Divisions and compromises in the women's movement
The official initiatives spurred model parliament organizers to consider a process for drafting a unified Palestinian family law themselves, based on the painstaking process of applying the equality argument to existing legislation and the subsequent recommendations of the model parliament.
Organizers recognized the possibility of new democratic allies, particularly from the political parties and human rights organizations, but also did not want to ignite another public debate before the initiative and the women’s movement was fully prepared. The conditional support of the Authority was another factor to be taken into consideration.A low-key strategy emerged to develop a declaration of principles and issues for discussion for a new Palestinian family law that would first be presented to allies in political parties, human rights organizations and other non-governmental organizations. The aim was the formation of a national committee for a new Palestinian family law to lobby the Palestinian Legislative Council and other relevant parties. A preparatory7 committee of women’s organizations who participated in the model parliament began work on these documents in the summer of 1998 and almost immediately ran into problems both on the general approach and specific principles. There were a number of fissures between women’s organizations, including differences between the West Bank and Gaza, but there were two main strategic divides. The first, between legal reform towards civil law and reform within shari'a, is familiar from other contexts. The second is more specific to the Palestinian context, but has resonance elsewhere: between an approach which can be crudely characterized as ςNGO,, where legal reform is a project with a number of specific activities, and an alternative approach which can be equally crudely characterized as ‘political’, which sees legal reform as embedded in political (and social) processes.
The working out of the first division is embodied in a document prepared in February 2000, but not, at the time of this writing, presented as widely as had originally been planned, largely as a result of the circumstances of the new intifada which have both hampered physical movement for purposes of consultation, meetings etc., and directed intellectual and social energies towards other priorities.
The document is an interesting compromise that contains elements of both approaches, well illustrated by its citation of principles of respect for human dignity and non-discrimination between the sexes as confirmed by ‘divine scriptures and covenants and declarations of human rights’. During the attack on the model parliament, the women’s movement’s counter-defence to the Islamists had been to ground its equality argument in the language of nationalism and national resistance to occupation, state-building and democracy. This approach informs the introduction and conclusion of the draft document of principles which begins by citing the political conditions of the Palestinian people, characterized by the ‘absence of sovereignty over land from the days of occupation until now’, resulting in conflicting laws that do not meet the needs of Palestinian society.In an interesting point, the document notes that family law is the most controversial of all the laws, given that it touches on family relations and is embedded in the culture of the society and therefore requires the ‘efforts of the whole society to develop a Palestinian family law built on equality between the sexes’. The point that conflicts over family law mean that more, not less, democratic participation is required is a rather neat rejoinder to the religious establishment’s appropriation of shari'a and family law as its sole province.
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