CONCLUSION
This book is built around the hypothesis that the legal system in Rome favoured the interests of the higher orders in Roman society. There is nothing original about this proposition, and few perhaps would dispute it.
But it is too general as it stands to be very informative. I have attempted to give it substance by asking two basic questions: What were the characteristic features of the Roman system of legal privilege ? Which groups gained preferential treatment in the law courts, and why ?To answer the first question it was necessary first to identify specific ways in which favouritism was shown to privileged groups. This investigation, in which attention was focused on legal procedure, produced evidence of both de iure inequality (or legal discrimination) and de facto inequality. The former is that type of inequality which resulted directly from the prejudice and partiality of Roman judges and officials. Both the practice of sending high- status and low-status defendants to different courts and the differential punishment of condemned men according to their status fall into this category; with them can be classified the praetor’s denial of certain civil actions to would-be plaintiffs of low standing and the preference shown by judges and juries for defendants (or accusers) of high standing. On the other hand, some features of the legal procedures themselves, independently of interference from judicialofficials, constituted barriers to the enjoyment of theoretical legal remedies. For example, the institution of self-help which was a feature of the formulary procedure in civil law favoured the rich and influential, because they monopolized the material resources necessaryto effect summons and execution in the faceof opposition. In general, the unequal distribution of wealth, influence, and knowledge of the law prevented the lower orders from making full use of the legal system, and neither the formulary system nor the officials presiding over it made allowances for this fact.
A second point concerns the legal status of the Roman system of privilege.
By definition de facto inequality was not openly recognized by judicial or political authorities. De iure inequality, on the other hand, was officially acknowledged, but was none the less informal in nature. The patterns of discrimination which characterized the legal system under the Empire did not owe their origin or validity to legislative enactments, which the Romans rarely employed; rather, they evolved gradually in administrative practice over a period of time. The conclusiveness of this finding is limited by the nature of the evidence. It may be simply an accident of the sources that no statutes or decrees survive which, for instance, assigned defendants in criminal trials to courts according to their status and position. On the other hand, it is hard to believe that legislation created the division between upper-level and lower-level tribunals, when the evidence shows that the division was not at all strongly marked under the early Emperors, but became more sharply delineated while probably never rigid as time went on. Similarly, the idea that an early Imperial l.aw or edict created a penalty differential, or, for that matter, the cognitio procedure of which it was an outgrowth, is implausible; while the argument that the dual-penalty system familiar to the Severan jurists was transformed and given enhanced validity by rescripts of Hadrian and his successors becomes unconvincing once the content and context of the rescripts are examined. The rescripts seem to serve no more important legal function than to confirm the status of the system in administrative law. Meanwhile their value as historical evidence has not been fully appreciated. The rescripts, in the first place, testify to a growing uniformity of legal procedure. This is illustrated by the advances made by cognitio in the area of private as well as public law. In addition, they reveal that the penal system was becoming increasingly rigorous. The rescripts from which we derive much of our knowledge of the dual-penalty system were largely issued with the purpose of protecting the privileged status of the local aristocracy, which was threatened by the arbitrary actions of officials and the increasing harshness of penalties. In other words, it is the development of a more severe structure of penalties in the period under consideration which, in large measure, accounts for the picture of legal discrimination we find in the legal sources.The second question refers to the nature and membership of the privileged groups. Four points seem worth repeating in this concluding summary. First, the principal criterion of legal privilege in the eyes of the Romans was dignitas or honor derived from power, style of life, and wealth. This view accounts for the legal privilege that was recognized and administered by judges and magistrates, but does not accommodate de facto inequality. For example, structural weaknesses in the formulary system gave advantages to the powerful and rich independently of dignitas. The dispensability of dignitas is shown in addition by the case of the Imperial freedmen. This is an indication that inequalities of power, wealth, and prestige in Roman society did not coincide in all respects.
Secondly, the privileged groups, or honestiores, are not defined in the sources, but this does not mean that they cannot be identified. The principal categories can be recovered largely on the basis of a few texts: a senator’s son receives exile at the hands of Severus and Caracalla for a crime punishable with death, an equestrian burglar is exiled rather than sentenced to manual labour by Marcus, and veterans and decurions are stated to be exempt from the crueller and more degrading punishments. Moreover, the criteria for legal privilege are firmly laid down; magistrates and judges had only to apply them to settle any incipient doubts as to which parties were deserving of preferential treatment.
Thirdly, the substitution of monarchy for oligarchy brought changes in judicial institutions and consequently in patterns of discrimination; but there is every indication that the categories of privileged persons remained constant from the late Republic to the Severan age.
Thus decurions were not added to the circle of the privileged in the early second century, as is sometimes supposed. This assumption is based on a mistaken view of the nature and purpose of a particular Hadrianic constitution. The governing aristocracy in Rome consistently favoured the interests of the local gentry over an extended period of time in both political and legal matters. Again, the fact that citizenship underwent a gradual devaluation as a result of its extension throughout the Empire does not provide grounds for the belief that citizens at some point ceased to constitute a category of the privileged. At no stage in the period under survey was citizenship as such a source of privilege. Citizenship bestowed certain formal rights on its holders as full members of the Roman community, but provided no guarantee of their exercise. In any case, those rights were not commensurate with the benefits enjoyed by honestiores.Finally, honestiores and humiliores do not represent large homogeneous groups. This dichotomy, like the conventional division of members of societies into ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’, is a theoretical construct, which conceals the complex nature of the Roman social order. Moreover, in the field of law it conflicts with the realities of the administration of justice. Senators, equestrians, veterans, and decurions did not have equal access to legal privileges and remedies. Nor were freeborn citizens, freedmen, free aliens, and slaves in equally disadvantageous positions before the law. The terms honestiores and humiliores, and their more commonly used variants, normally occur in the primary sources with a restricted sphere of reference. In the juristic writings, for example, they are used in a limited range of instances which relate almost entirely to the administration of the criminal law in the provinces. Hence decurions are treated by the jurists as representative of the membership of the honestiores. This clearly they were not. Their privileges were less secure and less substantial than those of the higher orders based on Rome. In law, as in other aspects of Roman society, the principal benefits and rewards were available to those groups most advantageously placed in the stratification system by reason of their greater property, power, and prestige.
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