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Conclusion

Let me begin with a story. As my fieldwork progressed, and as I occasionally discussed my project with soldiers and officers, some men joked with me about feeling that I could somehow “peer into their minds.” By these mild jibes, I take it, these men commented about the fact that I had somehow come to understand and to explicitly formulate their doubts and reasonings.

Perhaps they seemed to be wary of my “magical power” as an an­thropologist, a power akin to the one psychologists have in the popular mind. From an analytical point of view, these kinds of reactions could be taken as an indicator of the va­lidity of my findings; my discussions were a sort of “natural experiment” in which I veri­fied my interpretations.

Of course, I could not and was not peering into their minds (I still can't). Rather I at­tempted to look systematically at the publicly shared symbols (naturally occurring meta­phors, images, or even comments) they (and I myself) use to give meaning to military life. Beyond using my own native intuitions and perceptions, I attempted to systemati­cally uncover the means (again, the words, tropes, and imagery) through which these men represent themselves to themselves and to others. As an anthropologist, I did not analyze doctrinal knowledge (of strategy or of tactics), let alone the expertise needed in drills and exercises.

Rather, I aimed to uncover the meanings of soldiering and commanding as they are expressed and used in the everyday lives—in a taken-for-granted, common sense man­ner—of troops and commanders. I did this by systematizing these meanings, and by for­mulating them in terms of a number of basic models by which they are organized. Thus, I have traced out and exemplified a way of looking at military knowledge and at the way such concepts as “combat,” “soldiering,” and the “enemy” are predicated on certain models which organize military knowledge.

References

Bailey, F.G. (1983). The Tactical Uses of Passion: An Essay on Power, Reason, and Re­ality. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Boene, Bernard. (1990). How unique should the military be? A review of representative literature and outline of synthetic formulation. European Journal of Sociology 31.1: 3-59.

Eisenhart, R. Wayne. (1975). You can't hack it little girl: A discussion of the covert psy­chological agenda of modern combat training. Journal of Social Issues 31.4: 13­23.

Geertz, Clifford. (1987). Works and Lives: The Anthropologist as Author. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Katz, Pearl. (1990). Emotional metaphors, socialization, and roles of drill sergeants. Ethos 18: 457-80.

Keegan, John. (1976). The Face of Battle. New York: Vintage Books.

Keesing, Roger M. (1987). Models, “folk” and “cultural”: Paradigms regained? In Cul­tural Models in Language and Thought, edited by Dorothy Holland and Naomi Quinn, pp. 369-393. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Lang, Kurt. (1972). Military Institutions and the Sociology of Law. Beverley Hills: Sage.

Lutz, Catherine A. (1990). Engendered emotion: gender, power, and the rhetoric of emo­tional control in American discourse. Language and the Politics of Emotion, edited by Catherine A. Lutz and Lila Abu-Lughod, pp. 69-91. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Morgan, Gareth. (1986). Images of Organization. Beverly Hills: Sage.

Moskos, Charles C. (1988). Soldiers and Sociology. United States Army Research Insti­tute for the Behavioral and Social Sciences. Government Publishing House.

Quinn, Naomi, and Dorothy Holland. (1987). Culture and cognition. In Cultural Models in Language and Thought, edited by Dorothy Holland and Naomi Quinn, pp. 3-40. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Shatan, Chaim F. (1977). Bogus manhood, bogus honor: Surrender and transfiguration in the United States Marine Corps. Psychoanalytic Review 64: 586-610.

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Source: Anderson M. (ed.). Cultural Shaping of Violence: Victimization, Escalation, Response. West Lafayette: Purdue University Press,2004. — 330 p.. 2004

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