HISTORY
The governmental desire to bring the perpetrators of serious frauds expeditiously and effectively to book found expression in the establishment by the Lord Chancellor and the Home Secretary, Mr Douglas (later Lord) Hurd, of a committee in November 1983 to examine Fraud Trials under the chairmanship of Lord Roskill, a Law Lord.
The Committee reported on 10 January 1986 (the report,[170] I add scholastically, lacks any index), recommending that for complex fraud cases a type of tribunal was required, as ‘Fraud Trial Tribunals’. Of the eight Commissioners, there was one dissenter, Mr Walter Merricks, then secretary of the Law Society. In his note of dissent[171] Mr Merricks did not engage in any possible change in the existing mode of English criminal trial, but stated that ‘if fundamental features as jury trials are to be reviewed, the review should be a comprehensive one not confined to a narrow band of cases of an indefinable class’; he added: ‘such a fact-finding operation would, in my view, be an essential preparation for, and precondition of any initiative to modernise and reform more fundamental aspects of the trial process.’ The opposition to the Roskill recommendation was substantially (not wholly) emotive. Significantly, Lord Mayhew (as Mr Patrick Mayhew, Solicitor-General in 1986) supported the Conservative Government’s decision of the day, not to accept the recommendation of the Roskill Committee that serious and complex fraud trials should be tried by a special tribunal.[172] And so it became the Party’s policy, as evinced in the debate in 2007 of the Fraud (Trials without a Jury) Bill, and was finally given its Parliamentary quietus on 10 May 2012 by section 113 of the Protection of Freedoms Act 2012.Second, before I address other than emotional arguments for and against the change, it is worth a moment’s pause to consider the parliamentary process, from 2003 to 2007, that thwarted the government’s resolve to make the numerically significant but socially modest change. Section 43 of the Criminal Justice Act 2003 was passed through all the stages of the parliamentary process, with the caveat of an affirmative resolution.
Despite private consultations and a seminar of interested parties that produced no indication of such an affirmative resolution, the Labour Government went aheadSerious Fraud Offences: Whither Their Trial? 177 instead with a second reading in the Lords to implement section 43, without having the need for a further motion. The Bill received a second reading in the House of Commons by a substantial majority. At the Report stage the Government secured substantial majorities and the Bill was duly read a third time. To defy the Commons, by denying the Bill a second reading in the Lords and a Committee stage (where amendments could be debated) constituted a dangerous inroad upon the Lords’ capacity to adopt such action; it was - and is - a reversal of the report of the Joint Committee on Convention which was approved by both Houses of Parliament. Significantly, that report concluded that in recent years the House of Lords will usually give a second reading to any Government Bill, ‘whether based on the manifesto, or not’. As Lord Tomlinson[173] expostulated in 2007 on the second reading in the Lords of the Fraud (Trials without a Jury) Bill, their Lordships were about to take (and nevertheless took) ‘the step of voting against a second reading at our peril Perilous or not, the House of Lords flexed its dubious muscle in order to deny the Government its wish to limit jury trials. It is not without significance that section 44 of the Criminal Justice Act 2003 was not, likewise, executed. That section, which has been implemented on a few occasions since 2003, provided that the prosecution may apply for a trial to be conducted without a jury ‘where there is a danger of jury tampering’.[174] The fate of section 43 deserves at least a reconsideration of the grounds for proposing an associated reform.
More on the topic HISTORY:
- Finding the Smoking Gun: Deleting Women from the History of Legal Aid
- Contents
- The Cognitive (R)evolution: The End?
- Acknowledgements
- ‘The inner history of parliament is still so fragmentary'
- Conclusion
- Introduction
- Bibliography
- Bibliography