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Bibliographical Essay

Until the 1990s, because of restricted access to the Party archives and other essential primary sources, there had been no in-depth analysis that had scrutinised violence in revolutionary China.

Scholars studying the history of the PRC, who relied on the published works, could do little more than provide a broad view that, to a large extent, echoed the CCP's official historiography. This coincided with the decade leading up to as well as after Nixon's visit to China in 1972, when a group of Westerners, including some China specialists, took an increasingly sympathetic view of the PRC. They often credited the CCP with establishing a stable government after decades of war and political turmoil. This began as a counter-trend that quickly gained momentum in the wake of the Vietnam War. This positive image of the Chinese communist revolution and the achievements in the PRC was a useful weapon in their criticism aimed against America's military aggression in South-East Asia. After the death of Mao, however, in the late 1970s and early 1980s the stories of persecution of intellectuals during the Cultural Revolution years (1966-76) began to challenge this earlier positive image. The background for this was the 1981 Chinese Communist Party Central Committee's (CPCC) ‘Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of our Party' that divided the history of the PRC into pre- and post-1957. In this modified version of Chinese historiography, the years before 1957 were depicted as the ‘Golden Years' of the PRC, during which the CCP and the PRC government had successfully accomplished peaceful Land Reform and embarked on the First Five-Year Plan that foreshowed the rapid and non-violent agricultural collectivisation from 1955 to 1956. Western as well as Chinese scholarship quickly adopted the CPCC's 1957 division. This was further supported by an increasing number of autobiographical and fictional texts on the Cultural Revolution that were published in and outside of China.
They reinforced the official view that the Cultural Revolution was the disastrous period of the PRC history and that the years before it were ‘Golden Years'.

This position began to change in 1989 when the news of armed violence against unarmed students on Tiananmen Square shocked the world. Gradually, in the 1990s, a bleaker picture of the pre-1957 PRC history began to appear. An increasing number of Chinese as well as Western scholars began to challenge the image of the pre-1957 ‘Golden Years'. In the 1990s, in part triggered by similar developments in the former Soviet Union and its east European ex-satellites, changes took place in the PRC archives. The 1990 new archival regulation (revised in May 1999) theoretically made documents more than thirty years old available for public access. In practice, however, a great number of documents were and still are classified as ‘unsuitable' for public access and remain as ‘closed' files. After autumn 2012, greater restrictions were introduced by the State Archives Administration of China (SAAC), which made it difficult for researchers to read documents from the period of 1949 to 1979. The short wiiidowof opeintessbetweeii the 1990s and 2012, however, allowed Chinese as well as Western scholars in the humanities and social sciences access to a great mass of declassified original Party and other sources on the PRC's first three decades. This newly unearthed information, often in conjunction with newly available documentary materials in other countries, transformed the ability to study, understand and explain the social, economic and political history of the PRC under Mao. This resulted in a far more critical view of the Chinese communist revolution and the early PRC history. In this reappraisal, we learn that coercion and violence existed throughout the Mao era from the early PRC to the end of the Cultural Revolution. Edward Friedman, Paul G. Pickowicz and Mark Selden's Revolution, Resistance, and Reform in Village China (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007), for example, showed that during and after the Great Leap Famine (1958-62), intra- and inter-village clashes erupted and spilled over into violence.

This continued into the Cultural Revolution, when violence peaked throughout the countryside. At the same time, Yang Kuisong's ‘Reconsidering the Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries', China Quarterly 193 (2008), 104-20, allowed readers in English to see how violence was an essential tool used by the CCP regime to maintain its fragile power in the early 1950s after the communist Liberation.

Frank Dikotter's major history of the Great Leap Famine, Mao's Great Famine: The History of China's Most Devastating Catastrophe (London: Bloomsbury, 2010), argued that violence was the very foundation of the Great Leap Forward. There was widespread violence on the local level throughout the famine period. The argument presented by Dikotter was further reinforced by Zhou Xun's companion volumes. Using first-hand oral interviews with survivors as well as previously unseen Party archival documents, Zhou Xun's Forgotten Voices of Mao's Great Famine: An Oral History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013) and The Great Famine of China, 1958-62: A Documentary History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012) allowed readers to see for themselves that the sheer extremity of violence that took place during the Great Leap Forward famine was beyond doubt.

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Source: Edwards Louise, Penn Nigel, Winter Jay (eds.). The Cambridge World History of Violence. Volume 4: 1800 to the Present. Cambridge University Press,2020. — 676 p.. 2020

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