Conclusion
The triple stalemate explains why the war continued for fifty-two months, and why the decisions of July-August 1914 were so momentous in their consequences. The men of 1914 must bear a heavy burden of responsibility, even if they could not foresee what would flow from their individual decisions, and even if at times their choices appeared to be predestined.
As we saw, the choices they made to cross over the long-established thresholds of Concert diplomacy were deliberate ones, calculated in the full knowledge that European civilization was on the brink. And so it was. In addition to the horrific loss of life and wealth, the struggle accelerated Europe's decline in world affairs, and initiated the changes that culminated in Europeans losing the capacity to shape their own affairs. As we shall see in Chapter 2, the turning point arrived in 1917, when pressure for peace became significant and cracks first began to show. The French armies mutinied and the tsarist regime fell apart. Though Austria-Hungary and Italy were also on the brink, it was the Bolshevik take-over that knocked Russia out of the war. Berlin could now seek victory in the west. The entry of the United States, however, in the short term probably rescued the Entente from bankruptcy, and in the long term turned the contest against the Central Powers. The advent of the Russian Revolution and America's entry into the fray also brought to the forefront men with fresh ideas on how to create lasting peace. These ideas would help shape the course of twentieth-century international relations.Debating the origins of the First World War
The debate about the outbreak of the First World War is divided between those who place the burden of responsibility on Germany and those who locate German policy within a much broader explanation for the breakdown of international relations. Of the first viewpoint, the case put forward by Fritz Fischer of Hamburg University in Germany's Aims in the First World War (London, 1967) is the most important.
Fischer argued that Germany was aggressively expansionist. Its ruling elite believed that conquest abroad would secure imperial Germany's autocratic political and social order at home. For Fischer, German decisions in 1914 were the culmination of a premeditated 'grab for world power' (Griff nach der Weltmacht). Adversaries of the Fischer thesis attacked the parallels he drew between Bethmann Hollweg in 1914 and Hitler in 1939. They questioned the primacy he attached to domestic factors. And, most of all, historians have recently illustrated how Germany's 'calculated risk' in 1914 sprang from a deteriorating position within a states system in crisis.Recommended reading
The best general introductions to European history in the period covered by this chapter are Felix Gilbert and David C. Large, The End of the European Era, 1890 to the Present, 4th edn (New York, 1991), Christopher J. Bartlett, The Global Conflict: The International Rivalry of the Great Powers, 1880—1990 (London, 1994), Norman Stone, Europe Transformed, 1878—1919 (Oxford, 1999) and James Joll, Europe since 1870, 4th edn (London, 1990). Students without a background in the history of nineteenth-century diplomacy will find Christopher J. Bartlett, Peace, War and the European Powers, 1814—1914 (Basingstoke, 1996) and F. R. Bridge and Roger Bullen, The Great Powers and the European State System, 1815—1914, second edition (London, 2004) indispensable.
On the subject of the Great Powers and the states system, Bartlett, Bridge and Bullen (cited above) and A. J. P Taylor, Struggle for the Mastery of Europe, 1848—1914 (Oxford, 1954) are superb texts. Matthew Anderson, The Rise of Modern Diplomacy (London, 1993) and Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000 (London, 1988) provide a broad perspective. Kennedy's thesis on the long-term patterns of Great Power ascendancy and decay has been criticized by David Reynolds, ‘Power and Wealth in the Modern World', Historical Journal(1989), vol.
32, pp. 475—87, and Gordon Martel, ‘The Meaning of Power: Rethinking the Decline and Fall of Great Britain', International History Review (1991), vol. 13, pp. 662—94.For studies of international politics and the search for order, see F. H. Hinsley, Power and the Pursuit ofPeace (Cambridge, 1963) and Hedley Bull, The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics (London, 1977). On the nineteenthcentury balance of power, see Paul W Schroeder, ‘Did the Vienna Settlement Rest on a Balance of Power?', American Historical Review (1992), vol. 97, pp. 683—706, and his ‘The 19th-Century International System: Changes in Structure', World Politics (1986), vol. 39, pp. 1—26.
On the Venezuela Blockade and the Anglo-Japanese Alliance negotiations, see N. Mitchell, ‘The Venezuela Blockade, 1902—3', Diplomatic History (1996), vol. 20, pp. 185—209, and Keith Wilson, ‘The Anglo-Japanese Alliance of August 1905 and Defending India: A Case of the Worst Scenario', Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History (1994), vol. 21, pp. 334—56.
For a survey of the breakdown of the nineteenth-century states system, see Richard Langhorne, The Collapse of the Concert of Europe: International Politics, 1890—1914 (London, 1981). The best general introduction to the origins of the war is James Joll, The Origins oftheFirst World War, 2nd edn (London, 1992). The essays in H. W Koch, The Origins ofthe First World War, 2nd edn (London, 1984) and Richard Evans and Harmut Pogge von Strandmann, The Coming of the First World War (Oxford, 1988) are also excellent. On the Balkan wars, see Richard C. Hall, The Balkan Wars 1912—13: Prelude to the First World War (London, 2000). For two books which explore the intellectual and cultural background to 1914, see Daniel Pick, War Machine: The Rationalisation of Slaughter in the Modern Age (New Haven, CT, 1993) and Robert Wohl, The Generation of 1914 (London, 1980).
On European alliances and alignments, see Paul W. Schroeder, ‘Alliances, 1815—1945: Weapons of Power and Tools of Management', in K.
Knorr, Historical Problems of National Security (Lawrence, KS, 1976). For background on the arms race and war plans, see Geoffrey Wawro, Warfare and Society in Europe, 1792—1914 (London, 2000). David Stevenson has written the most detailed study in Armaments and the Coming of War: Europe, 1904—1914 (Oxford, 1996). See also S. Van Evera, ‘The Cult of the Offensive and the Origins of the First World War' and Jack Snyder, ‘Civil-Military Relations and the Cult of the Offensive, 1914 and 1984', both in International Security (1984), vol. 9, pp. 58-146. For the argument that, despite its apparent wealth, Germany was losing the arms race because its federal political structure and taxation system prevented the necessary levels of defence spending, see Niall Ferguson, The Pity of War (London, 1998), Chapters 4 and 5. On the European crises of 1905-14 and the militarization of diplomacy, see David Stevenson, ‘Militarization and Diplomacy in Europe before 1914', International Security (1997), vol. 22, pp. 125-61.David Stevenson has supplied the most cogent and up-to-date study of 1914 in The Outbreak of the First World War: 1914 in Perspective (London, 1997), including a survey of the debate in Chapter 5. For fascinating and detailed studies of individual capitals, see Keith Wilson's Decisions for War, 1914 (London, 1995). Works critical of ‘inadvertent war' are J. S. Levy, T. J. Christensen and M. Trachtenberg, ‘Mobilisation and Inadvertence in the July Crisis', International Security (1991), vol. 16, pp. 189-203 and Marc Trachtenberg, ‘The Coming of the First World War: A Reassessment', in his History and Strategy (Princeton, NJ, 1991).
For a revisionist account of the war's course, conduct and outcome, see Ferguson, The Pity of War and the first volume of Hew Strachan's The First World War: To Arms (Oxford, 2001). The account of why the war continued for as long as it did is based on David Stevenson, The First World War and International Politics (Oxford, 1991). The best single-volume treatment of the origins, conduct and consequences of the war is David Stevenson's 1914—18: The History of the First World War (London, 2004) (published in the United States under the title Cataclysm: The First World War as Political Tragedy).
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