Conclusions

So, what can be concluded regarding the questions we have raised about the evolution of geopolitical institutions, imperialism, and warfare? We asked whether or not there was ever an age in which competition among polities was completely unmediated by shared cultures.

And we wondered whether or not institutions and culture have come to matter more (or less) as polities became more complex and hierarchical. And we also asked whether or not there was a sociocultural evolutionary trend that was (is) analogous to the tendency in biological evolution to transition from predation to parasitism to mutualism in interpolity systems, or do they all operate according to a similar underlying geopolitical logic in which might makes right?

As we said in the beginning, competition and conflict among groups of organisms are not unique to humans. The ecology of territoriality is an important component of Darwinian selection in biological evolution, and this sometimes involves competition among groups. But in this study we focus mainly on humans who already had language and institutions even when competing groups were very small nomadic foraging bands. So our survey begins with the Paleolithic, the Old Stone Age, when nomadic hunter-gatherer bands were autonomous polities that competed with one another for natural resources. It is clear that geopolitics has always been important, but it has changed its form as polities and relations among them have become more complex and more hierarchical. Geopolitics was already cultural and institutional when societies were very small because the definitions of group membership and of otherness were culturally constructed using a discourse about kinship. The consensual moral order was even more consequential in these small-scale systems than it became later, because markets and states that are relatively less dependent on normative consensus had not yet emerged.

So the moral order was more important when it was the only institutional game in town. Imperialism, on the other hand, did not exist among very small-scale human polities. It emerged and has evolved, taking different predominant forms in different epochs. But it emerged much earlier than is usually supposed by scholars who study states and empires. We found that territoriality and interpolity alliances and enmities were very important in relations among sedentary hunter-gatherer tribelets in precontact Northern California. Interpolity alliances were cemented by reciprocal gift-giving and by marriage alliances in which a headman would marry the daughter of a headman from another polity. Warfare was institutionalized as line and raid wars, but the intensity of warfare was relatively low. Masculine identities were constructed more around the role of hunter than the role of warrior. Though there was competition and conflict among small-scale polities in this system, there was nothing in the way of imperialism in which some polities systematically extracted resources or labor from other polities.

We described a somewhat unusual instance of economic imperialism in the Pacific Northwest where core societies were able to use their surpluses of food to obtain slaves from peripheral societies who exercised coercion on one another in order to obtain war captives for trade. This was an interesting early instance of economic imperialism even in the absence of commodified economic relations or the direct projection of force. We also discussed the importance of demographic power as revealed in the segmentary lineages of the Neur and Dinka pastoralists. This was another instance of pre-state imperialism, but one in which, unlike the Pacific Northwest, the Neur core exercised coercion over the Dinka periphery.

Geopolitics and core/periphery exploitation are still important, though the rise of economic power and transnational institutions have altered the way that geopolitics works.

The rise of chiefdoms and states led to the invention of new techniques of power that allowed core states to extract resources from distant peoples. This involved institutions that facilitated the extraction of tribute and the control of distant conquered polities. Administrative techniques allowed conquest to evolve from plunder to more sustained exploitation. But empires were still limited by the amount of resistance that was mounted against them. The emergence from the noncore of social movements with universalistic religious ideologies were appropriated by empires to more effectively legitimate their rule. This reduced resistance and made it possible for empires to last longer before they collapsed.

The emergence of commodified wealth (money), goods, land, and labor reduced the importance of conquest as the main mechanism supporting complexity and hierarchy. The semiperipheral capitalist city-states who were the agents of commodification since the Bronze Age eventually produced large-scale regional trade networks. This led to the development of more sophisticated approaches to economic development even within the tributary empires, as kings learned to tax wealthy merchants rather than simply taking their property from them. The capitalist city-states pioneered a new form of imperialism—the colonial empire in which distant colonies were brought under control because of their important role in the provision of raw materials for the production of commodities or to facilitate transportation and communications. During the rise of Europe, core states themselves adopted colonial imperialism and the older territorial empires faded away. And then the nature of imperialism changed once again as a result of the waves of decolonization that have occurred in the modern world-system. Rather than formal colonialism, a system of unequal exchange is reproduced through the use of hegemonic foreign policy, clientelism, and international political and economic institutions.

We contend that the hierarchical form that global governance now takes should not be called “empire” because it relies much more on consent and economic power than most empires did. But a true world empire could emerge in the future if a minority that is willing to use them to sustain its privileges further monopolizes mechanisms of control. Thus geopolitics and imperialism are still important. An emerging global moral order is also important, but remains in the background as military/political and, increasingly, economic logics predominate in the contemporary global system.

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Source: Bang Peter F., Bayly C.A., Scheidel Walter (eds.). The Oxford World History of Empire. Volume One: The Imperial Experience. Oxford University Press,2020. — 584 p.. 2020

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