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Notes

Introduction

1. This identification seems to have first emerged in the seventeenth century and then became more definite at the turn of the twentieth century when the Third Pandemic sparked concerted scientific study of the disease.

See Lawrence I. Conrad, “Plague in the Early Medieval Near East” (PhD diss., Princeton University, 1981), 41.

2. Michael W. Dols, The Black Death in the Middle East (Princeton, N.J.: Prince­ton University Press, 1977), 315. Comparable terminology can be found in Arabic and Hebrew.

3. E. Fuller Torrey and Robert H. Yolken, Beasts of the Earth: Animals, Humans, and Disease (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2005), 15-20, 28-30.

4. Torrey and Yolken, Beasts of the Earth, 38-43, 49-52; William H. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples, updated ed. (New York: Anchor Books, 1998), 54—93; Robert Sal- lares, The Ecology of the Ancient Greek World (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1991), 227-44.

5. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples, 62, 84-92; Sheldon Watts, Disease and Medicine in World History (New York: Routledge, 2003), 56.

6. Watts, Disease and Medicine in World History, 16.

7. Donald R. Hopkins, “Ramses V: Earliest Known Victim?” World Health Organi­zation, May 1980, at http://whqlibdoc.who.int/smallpox/WH_5_1980_p22.pdf (ac­cessed June 24, 2010).

8. Kenneth F. Kiple, The Cambridge World History of Human Disease (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 345-47.

9. A variety of words in the original Hebrew were used in the Bible when referring to disease epidemics. See Conrad, “Plague,” 43-44.

10. James Orr, “Plague,” Bible History Online, at www.bible-history.com/isbe/P/ PLAGUE (accessed June 24, 2010).

11. Conrad, “Plague,” 42—63.

12. Jo N. Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics: Their Impacts on Human History (Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC—CLIO, 2005), 5.

13. Kiple, Cambridge World History of Human Disease, 408—9.

14. Kiple, Cambridge World History of Human Disease, 347—53; Carol Benedict, Bu­bonic Plague in Nineteenth-Century China (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1996), 101-5.

15. Kiple, Cambridge World History of Human Disease, 263-69, 347-53, 373-75, 390-92, 409-12.

16. For discussions of the issues involved, see J. C. F. Poole and A. J. Holladay, “Thucydides and the Plague of Athens,” Classical Quarterly 29 (1979): 282-300; Sallares, Ecology of the Ancient Greek World, 245-46; and James Longrigg, “Epidemic, Ideas and Classical Athenian Society,” in Epidemics and Ideas: Essays on the Historical Perception of Pestilence, ed. T Ranger and P Slack, 21-44 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 33-36.

17. For works that attempt to identify the Plague of Athens with a specific disease, see those cited in Conrad, “Plague,” 64n59, to which should be added the article by James Longrigg, “The Great Plague of Athens,” History of Science 18 (1980): 209-25, and Sal­lares, Ecology of the Ancient Greek World, 244-51. Discussion of the Plague of Athens as smallpox will be resumed in chapter 2.

18. Thucydides, The History of the Peloponnesian War, II:53, available in English trans­lation by R. Crawley (London: Longmans, Green, 1874).

19. Sallares, Ecology of the Ancient Greek World, 246; Longrigg, “Epidemic,” 41-43.

20.Longrigg, “Epidemic,” 32-33.

21. See, for example, J. V. A. Fine, The Ancient Greeks: A Critical History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983), 464; McNeill, Plagues and Peoples, 121; D. Ka­gan, The Peloponnesian War (New York: Viking Press, 2003), 78—79; Victor Davis Han­son, A War Like No Other: How the Athenians and Spartans Fought the Peloponnesian War (New York: Random House, 2005), 65—88.

22. Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, III:87; Sallares, Ecology of the An­cient Greek World, 258-59; Hanson, A War Like No Other, 79-80.

23.Hanson, A War Like No Other, 77-78.

24. For Thucydides' influence upon other classical authors who wrote about disease, see Longrigg, “Epidemic,” 27.

25. General works on disease representative of the “positivist” approach include the following: Hans Zinsser, Rats, Lice and History (Boston: Little, Brown, 1934); Henry E. Sigerist, Civilization and Disease (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1943); and Frederick F. Cartwright, Disease and History (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1972).

26.See especially Charles-Edward Amory Winslow, The Conquest of Epidemic Disease: A Chapter in the History of Ideas (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1943); and L. Fabian Hirst, The Conquest of Plague: A Study of the Evolution of Epidemiology (Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1953).

27. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples, 22—23.

28. William H. McNeill, The Rise of the West: A History of the Human Community (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963).

29. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples, 19—21. The importance of the “Columbian ex­change,” not just in terms of disease pathogens, was first explored by Alfred W Crosby, The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1972). Crosby later explored this theme on a global scale in Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900—1900 (Cambridge: Cam­bridge University Press, 1986), in which disease plays but one part of the story.

30. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples, 24—27.

31. For works in the relativist school, see Robert P Hudson, Disease and Its Control: The Shaping of Modern Thought (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1983); Claudine Herzlich and Janine Pierret, Illness and Self in Society, trans. E. Forster (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987); Allan M. Brandt, “AIDS and Metaphor: Toward the Social Meaning of Epidemic Disease,” in In Time of Plague: The History and Social Con­sequences of Lethal Epidemic Disease, ed. A. Mack, 91—110 (New York: New York Univer­sity Press, 1991); and Charles E. Rosenberg, Explaining Epidemics and Other Studies in the History of Medicine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), esp.

278—318.

32. Hudson, Disease and Its Control, x.

33. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples, 291—95.

34. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples, 9—17.

35. See, in particular, Richard Preston, The Hot Zone (New York: Random House, 1994); and Laurie Garrett, The Coming Plague: Newly Emerging Diseases in a World Out of Balance (Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin, 1994). These have been joined by such films as Outbreak (1995) and I Am Legend(2007). A far more balanced and temperate view of the topic is taken up in Jo N. Hays, The Burdens of Disease: Epidemics and Human Re­sponse in Western History (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1998), esp. 240—77; and Arno Karlen, Man and Microbes: Disease and Plagues in History and Modern Times (New York: Putnam, 1995), esp. 1—11, 215—30.

36. Sallares, Ecology of the Ancient Greek World, 224.

37. For classic works in this vein, see David Arnold, Colonizing the Body: State Medi­cine and Epidemic Disease in Nineteenth-Century India (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993); O. A. Bushnell, The Gifts of Civilization: Germs and Genocide in Hawaii (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993); Sheldon Watts, Epidemics and History: Disease, Power and Imperialism (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997); and Suzanne Austin Alchon, A Pest in the Land: New World Epidemics in a Global Perspective (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2003). McNeill specifically rejects the colonialist/imperialist argument (albeit even before it was made by the above champions) in Plagues and Peoples, 215.

38. See especially P D. Curtin, Death by Migration: Europe’s Encounter with the Tropi­cal World in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).

39. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples, 194; William H. McNeill, “Migration Patterns and Infection in Traditional Societies,” in Changing Disease Patterns and Human Behavior, ed. N. F Stanley and R. A. Joske, 27—36 (London: Academic Press, 1980), 34.

40. David Herlihy, The Black Death and the Transformation of the West, ed.

S. K. Cohn Jr. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1997); and Samuel K. Cohn Jr., The Black Death Transformed: Disease and Culture in Early Renaissance Europe (London: Ar­nold, 2002). For a reevaluation of this “silver lining” thesis about the Black Death, see John Aberth, From the Brink of the Apocalypse: Confronting Famine, War, Plague and Death in the Later Middle Ages, 2nd ed. (London: Routledge, 2010), 206—10.

41. Sallares, Ecology of the Ancient Greek World, 262.

42. See, for example, Brian Fagan, The Little Ice Age: How Climate Made History, 1300—1850 (New York: Basic Books, 2000), and Brian Fagan, The Great Warming: Cli­mate Change and the Rise and Fall of Civilizations (New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2008).

43. It is perhaps a significant sign of the shift in disease studies that Alfred Jay Bollet, in the second, 2004 edition of his book, Plagues and Poxes, changed the subtitle from The Rise and Fall of Epidemic Disease to The Impact of Human History on Epidemic Disease, albeit the main thrust of his new focus is on disease as a weapon of bioterrorism. See Alfred Jay Bollet, Plagues and Poxes: The Impact of Human History on Epidemic Disease (New York: Demos, 2004), 1-13.

44. Sallares, Ecology of the Ancient Greek World, 262.

45. Jo N. Hays, “Historians and Epidemics: Simple Questions, Complex Answers,” in Plague and the End of Antiquity: The Pandemic of541—750, ed. L. K. Little, 33—58 (Cam­bridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 42—46.

46. This argument is made with particular reference to identifying the three pandem­ics of plague as all caused by the same disease: See A. Cunningham, “Transforming Plague: The Laboratory and the Identity of Infectious Disease,” in The Laboratory Revolu­tion in Medicine, ed. A. Cunningham and P Williams, 209—44 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 209; D. Harrison, “Plague, Settlement and Structural Changes at the Dawn of the Middle Ages,” Scandia 59 (1993): 19; and Jon Arrizabalaga, “Facing the Black Death: Perceptions and Reactions of University Medical Practitioners,” in Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, ed.

L. Garcia-Ballester, R. French, J. Arrizabalaga, and A. Cunningham, 237—88 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 239. This position is refuted by C. J. Duncan and S. Scott, Biology of Plagues: Evidence from Historical Populations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 53; and Robert Sallares, “Ecology, Evolution, and Epidemiology of Plague,” in Plague and the End of Antiquity: The Pandemic of541—750, ed. L. K. Little, 231—89 (Cambridge: Cam­bridge University Press, 2007), 255-56.

47. Cohn, Black Death Transformed, 83-95.

48.For example, in 1998-2000, a French team announced it had isolated Yersinia pestis DNA from the dental pulp of fourteenth- and sixteenth-century plague victims at Montpellier, which they offered as conclusive evidence that the Black Death was true plague: see Michel Drancourt et al., “Detection of 400-Year-Old Yersiniapestis DNA in Human Dental Pulp: An Approach to the Diagnosis of Ancient Septicemia,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Science 95 (1998): 12637—40; and Michel Drancourt et al., “Molecular Identification by ‘Suicide PCR’ of Yersinia pestis as the Agent of Medieval Black Death,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Science 97 (2000): 12800—803. While their identification still remains controversial, the French team's results have now been duplicated in London and Germany: see essays by Lester K. Little, Robert Sallares, and Michael McCormick in Plague and the End of Antiquity: The Pandemic of541—750, ed. L. K. Little (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 19—20, 254, and 294—97, as well as references cited there in footnotes.

49. For example, William McNeill, even though he acknowledged the role that Native American attitudes toward disease played in the Spanish conquest of the Americas, failed to draw any contrasts between the native view of disease and that of Europeans that could explain that role. Instead, he simply noted that both sides saw disease as coming from divine sources and put any differences in response down to immunity (or lack thereof). See McNeill, Plagues and Peoples, 20—21, 215—17.

50. See especially Hays, Burdens of Disease, esp. 1—7; and Hays, “Historians and Epi­demics,” 33—36, 52—56.

Chapter 1: Plague

1. Lawrence I. Conrad, “Plague in the Early Medieval Near East” (PhD diss., Princ­eton University, 1981), 488.

2. Based on personal telephone interview conducted with John Tull and Lucinda Marker on February 20, 2004.

3. For a comprehensive, up-to-date summary of fleas' role in spreading bubonic plague, see Kenneth L. Gage and Michael Y. Kosoy, “Natural History of Plague: Perspectives from More than a Century of Research,” Annual Review of Entomology 50 (2005): 505—28. Older works still worth consulting on this topic include the following: Wu Lien-Teh, J. W H. Chun, R. Pollitzer, and C. Y. Wu, Plague: A Manualfor Medical and Public Health Workers (Shanghai, China: Weishengshu National Quarantine Service, 1936), 265—70; R. Pollitzer, Plague (Geneva: World Health Organization, 1954), 346—55; Graham Twigg, The Black Death: A Biological Reappraisal (New York: Schocken Books, 1984), 16—17.

4. Many of these statistics were collected during the Third Pandemic in India and Egypt and presented in the Journal of Hygiene, but they are conveniently summarized in Ole J. Benedictow, Plague in the Late Medieval Nordic Countries: Epidemiological Studies (Oslo, Norway: Middelalderforlaget, 1992), 164; and Robert Sallares, “Ecology, Evolution, and Epidemiology of Plague,” in Plague and the End of Antiquity: The Pandemic of541—750, ed. L. K. Little, 231—89 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 278.

5. Personal telephone interview conducted with John Tull, February 20, 2004.

6. Wu Lien-Teh (Liande), A Treatise on Pneumonic Plague (Geneva: Publications of the League of Nations, 1926), 162—64, 252—55, 296—306.

7. W F. Gatacre, Report on the Bubonic Plague in Bombay, 1896—97 (Bombay, India: Times of India Steam Press, 1897), 138—39; J. K. Condon, The Bombay Plague, Being a History of the Progress of Plague in the Bombay Presidency from September 1896to June 1899 (Bombay, India: Education Society's Steam Press, 1900), 72—73; Lien-Teh, Treatise on Pneumonic Plague, 245; Lien-Teh et al., Plague, 309-16; Pollitzer, Plague, 411-18, 441. Marker noted an inexplicable sense of foreboding or “doom” that accompanied what she otherwise thought were symptoms typical of the flu at the onset of her case of plague.

8. Samuel K. Cohn Jr., “The Black Death: End of a Paradigm,” American Historical Review 107 (2002): 716-17; Sallares, “Ecology,” 240-41.

9. Condon, The Bombay Plague, 73; Lien-Teh et al., Plague, 158, 311, 314, 322; Pollitzer, Plague, 420-21, 424-27.

10. Gatacre, Report on the Bubonic Plague, 50; Sallares, “Ecology,” 236.

11. Procopius of Caesarea, History of the Wars, II:xxii.17, trans. H. B. Dewing (Lon­don: W. Heinemann and Macmillan, 1914-1940); John of Ephesus' description is avail­able in English translation in Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, The Chronicle of Zuqnin, Parts III and IV, trans. A. Harrak (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1999), 104; and Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle, Part III, trans. Witold Wita- kowski, Translated Texts for Historians 22 (Liverpool, UK: Liverpool University Press, 1996), 87. This was by no means the first occurrence of boubon as a term for bubonic swellings; the symptom was discussed centuries earlier in the Hippocratic Epidemics, which record Greek doctors' case histories from the end of the fifth and first half of the fourth centuries B.C.E.

12. Medieval testimony comes from the fifteenth-century German treatise of a “Master Berthold,” printed in Karl Sudhoff, “Pestschriften aus den ersten 150 Jahren nach der Ep­idemie des ‘schwarzen Todes' 1348,” Archiv fur Geschichte der Medizin 16 (1925): 93. For modern diagnosis, see Condon, The Bombay Plague, 73; Pollitzer, Plague, 421-23. Marker also noted this same phenomenon in her bout with bubonic plague in November 2002.

13. Gatacre, Report on the Bubonic Plague, 141, 223; Condon, The Bombay Plague, 73-74; Pollitzer, Plague, 423.

14. Condon, The Bombay Plague, 77; Lien-Teh, Treatise on Pneumonic Plague, 241-59; Pollitzer, Plague, 441-42; Ole J. Benedictow, The Black Death, 1346—1353: The Complete History (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 2004), 28.

15. Gatacre, Report on the Bubonic Plague, 138, 223; Condon, The Bombay Plague, 76-77; Pollitzer, Plague, 439-40.

16. Conrad, “Plague,” 73-76; Sallares, “Ecology,” 251.

17. Robert Sallares, The Ecology of the Ancient Greek World (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1991), 252-53; Sallares, “Ecology,” 245-54.

18. Most recently, a collection of essays on the First Pandemic was published as Little, Plague and the End of Antiquity, but other general works that should be consulted include Conrad's “Plague” and Dionysios Stathakopoulos, Famine and Pestilence in the Late Roman and Early Byzantine Empire: A Systematic Survey of Subsistence Crises and Epidemics (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2004).

19. For an overview of the debate as to the origins of the First Pandemic in Africa, see Peter Sarris, “Bubonic Plague in Byzantium: The Evidence of Non-Literary Sources,” in Plague and the End of Antiquity: The Pandemic of541—750, ed. L. K. Little, 119-34 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 120-23.

20. For more detailed chronologies, see Dionysios Stathakopoulos, “Crime and Punishment: The Plague in the Byzantine Empire, 541—749,” in Plague and the End of Antiquity: The Pandemic of541—750, ed. L. K. Little, 99—118 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 99—105; Stathakopoulos, Famine and Pestilence, 113—24, 278— 386; Conrad, “Plague,” 91—311; Jean-Noel Biraben, Les Hommes et la Peste en France et dans les Pays Europeens et Mediterraneens, 2 vols. (Paris: Mouton, 1975—1976), 1:27—32; Jean-Noel Biraben and Jacques Le Goff, “The Plague in the Early Middle Ages,” in Biol­ogy of Man in History: Selections from the Annales: Economies, Societes, Civilisations, ed. and trans. E. Forster, R. Forster, O. Ranum, and P M. Ranum, 48-80 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975), 58-60.

21. Procopius, History of the Wars, II:22.17; Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chron­icle of Zuqnin, 104; Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle, 87-88. Bubonic symp­toms are also mentioned in contemporary saints' lives, cited in Stathakopoulos, Famine and Pestilence, 136n119.

22. Evagrius Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, IV:29, translated as A History of the Church (London: S. Bagster and Sons, 1846).

23. Michael G. Morony, “‘For Whom Does the Writer Write?': The First Bubonic Plague Pandemic According to Syriac Sources,” in Plague and the End of Antiquity: The Pandemic of541—750, ed. L. K. Little, 59-86 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 60-61; Lawrence I. Conrad, “Taün and Waba: Conceptions of Plague and Pesti­lence in Early Islam,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 25 (1982): 291-301; Michael W. Dols, The Black Death in the Middle East (Princeton, N.J.: Princ­eton University Press, 1977), 315-19.

24. John Maddicott, “Plague in Seventh-Century England,” in Plague and the End of Antiquity: The Pandemic of541—750, ed. L. K. Little, 171-214 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 183.

25. Procopius, History of the Wars, II:22.10-14.

26. Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle of Zuqnin, 95-97; Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle, 76-77; Morony, “‘For Whom Does the Writer Write?'” 82.

27. Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle of Zuqnin, esp. 95-96, 100-103, 107; Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle, 75-76, 81-85, 90.

28. Compare Procopius, History of the Wars, II:23.14-16 with Thucydides, The History of the Peloponnesian War, trans. R. Crawley (London: Longmans, Green, 1874), II:53.

29. Procopius, History of the Wars, II:22.27, 33-34; Thucydides, History of the Pelo­ponnesian War, II:51.

30. Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle of Zuqnin, 97-98; 109-10; Pseudo­Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle, 77-78, 93-94.

31. Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, II:52.

32. For instance, many readers may bring to mind the U.S. government's shameful handling of the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans in 2005.

33. Procopius, History of the Wars, II:23.6-13; Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre Chronicle of Zuqnin, 107-8, 110; Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle, 91-92, 94.

34. Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle of Zuqnin, 108, 111; Pseudo-Diony­sius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle, 91, 95—96.

35. Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle of Zuqnin, 106—8; Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle, 89—92.

36. Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle of Zuqnin, 106—7; Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle, 90.

37. Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle of Zuqnin, 109; Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle, 93. See also Procopius, History of the Wars, II:23.12.

38. Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle ofZuqnin, 99—100, 105, 109; Pseu­do-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle, 81, 88, 93; Procopius, History of the Wars, 11:23.17-19.

39. Procopius, History of the Wars, II:22.29, 32-34.

40. Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle of Zuqnin, 112-13; Pseudo-Diony­sius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle, 97-98.

41. Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle of Zuqnin, 98-99; Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle, 79; Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, VI:23.

42. Stathakopoulos, “Crime and Punishment,” 113-14.

43. See especially the text of Justinian’s Novella 141 against homosexuals, issued in 559, a year after a second outbreak of plague had struck the capital. The text is available in English through the online publication of Fred H. Blume and Timothy Kearley, An­notated Justinian Code, 2nd ed. (Laramie: University of Wyoming College of Law, 2009), at http://uwacadweb.uwyo.edu/blume&justinian (accessed August 3, 2010).

44. Josiah Cox Russell, “That Earlier Plague,” Demography 5 (1968): 181-82.

45. See Guy Halsall, Barbarian Migrations and the Roman West, 376—568 (Cam­bridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 507-15, for a discussion of the various issues involved. Russell’s monocausal explanation is criticized by Stathakopoulos, “Crime and Punishment,” 116-17.

46. Conrad, “Plague,” 121-22, 134.

47. Procopius, The Secret History, trans. G. A. Williamson (London: Folio Society, 1990), 83-88. In an earlier chapter, Procopius cites the testimony of several witnesses, including the emperor’s own mother, who alleged that they had personally experienced the demonic origins or character of the emperor (58-60). The fact that Justinian himself came down with bubonic plague, and survived, could be taken as evidence either for or against a theory that was considered not implausible for its time.

48. Gregory of Tours, History of the Franks, X:1, trans. Lewis Thorpe (Harmonds- worth, UK: Penguin, 1974).

49. 1 Chronicles 21:14-27, discussed in Lester K. Little, “Life and Afterlife of the First Plague Pandemic,” in Plague and the End of Antiquity: The Pandemic of541—750, ed. L. K. Little, 3-32 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 31-32.

50. Michael Kulikowski, “Plague in Spanish Late Antiquity,” in Plague and the End of Antiquity: The Pandemic of541—750, ed. L. K. Little, 150-70 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 155-56, 160-70.

51. Kulikowski, “Plague in Spanish Late Antiquity,” 167-68.

52. For a detailed history of the Plague of ‘Amwas, see Conrad, “Plague,” 167—246.

53. Conrad, “Plague,” 169—76; Lawrence I. Conrad, “Umar at Sargh: The Evolution of an Umayyad Tradition on Flight from the Plague,” in Story-telling in the Framework of Non-fictional Arabic Literature, ed. S. Leder, 488—528 (Wiesbaden, Germany: Harras- sowitz, 1998); Dols, Black Death, 21—25.

54. Conrad, “Plague,” 460—65.

55. Michael W Dols, “The Comparative Communal Responses to the Black Death in Muslim and Christian Societies,” Viator 5 (1974): 272—73, 279, 285.

56. Kulikowski, “Plague in Spanish Late Antiquity,” 164—65.

57. Stathakopoulos, “Crime and Punishment,” 107—8; John Haldon, “The Works of Anastasius of Sinai: A Key Source for the History of Seventh-Century East Mediterra­nean Society and Belief,” in The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East, Volume I: Problems in the Literary Source Material, ed. A. Cameron and L. I. Conrad, 107—47 (Princeton, N.J.: Darwin Press, 1992), 143-44.

58. Paul the Deacon, History of the Lombards, II:4, trans. William Dudley Foulke (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1974).

59. S. P. Brock, “North Mesopotamia in the Late Seventh Century: Book XV of John Bar Penkayes Ris Melle” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 9 (1987): 68-69; Morony, “‘For Whom Does the Writer Write?'” 76-77.

60. Stathakopoulos, “Crime and Punishment,” 116-18.

61. Russell, “That Earlier Plague,” 178-84. Russell bases his argument on the as­sumption that plague mortality during the First Pandemic can be modeled on that of the Second, but there simply is not enough evidence to justify his position. For a more subtle version of this thesis, arguing for the rise of Western Europe on the basis of plague's differential mortality, see Biraben and Le Goff, “Plague in the Early Middle Ages,” 63.

62. Conrad, “Plague,” 293-94, 329-38, 415-89.

63. Richard Hodges and David Whitehouse, Mohammed, Charlemagne and the Ori­gins of Europe: Archaeology and the Pirenne Thesis (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1983), 20-76; Michael McCormick, Origins of the European Economy: Communications and Commerce, A.D. 300—900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 27-119.

64. McCormick, Origins of the European Economy, 40-41.

65. Conrad, “Plague,” 449-89; Hodges and Whitehouse, Mohammed, Charlemagne, 52-53, 75-76.

66. Michael McCormick, “Toward a Molecular History of the Justinianic Pan­demic,” in Plague and the End of Antiquity: The Pandemic of541—750, ed. L. K. Little, 290-312 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 310-12.

67. John Norris, “East or West? The Geographic Origin of the Black Death,” Bul­letin of the History of Medicine 51 (1977): 10.

68. Michael W Dols, “Ibn al-Wardi's Risalah al-Naba’ ‘an al-Waba’, a Translation of a Major Source of the History of the Black Death in the Middle East,” in Near Eastern Numismatics, Iconography, Epigraphy and History: Studies in Honor of George C. Miles, ed. D. K. Kouymjian, 443-55 (Beirut, Lebanon: American University of Beirut, 1974), 448.

69. J. B. Hinnebusch, “Bubonic Plague: A Molecular Genetic Case History of the Emergence of an Infectious Disease,” Journal of Molecular Medicine 75 (1997): 645—52; Sallares, “Ecology,” 245—54.

70. Norris, “East or West?” 7—16; Benedictow, Black Death, 44—54.

71. Another contemporary commentator on the Black Death, the Moorish physi­cian Ibn Khatima, who, like al-Wardl, claims to have received information on the plague's origins from merchant sources, writes from Almeria, Spain, in February 1349 that the Genoese in Caffa were “besieged by an army of Turks and Romans.” This would imply that Greek Byzantines from Constantinople had joined the Mongols in the siege.

72. H. H. Lamb, Climate, History and the Modern World, 2nd ed. (London: Rout­ledge, 1995), 200; Dols, Black Death, 41; Norris, “East or West?” 4.

73. Dols, Black Death, 39.

74. Rosemary Horrox, trans. and ed., The Black Death (Manchester, UK: Man­chester University Press, 1994), 17.

75. For the geographical spread of the Black Death in Europe and the Middle East, readers are advised to consult the detailed work of Benedictow, Black Death, 57—224, which has now supplanted Biraben's chronology in Les Hommes et la Peste, 1:71—85.

76. The one article devoted to this topic mainly addresses whether the First Pan­demic was bubonic or pneumonic plague but never really questions that it was plague. See T. L. Bratton, “The Identity of the Plague of Justinian: Part 1,” Transactions and Stud­ies of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia 3 (June 1981): 113—24.

77. My greatest contempt, however, is reserved for those who refuse to enter into the debate at all but argue that medieval and modern diseases simply can't be compared, which strikes me as an attempt, unintentional or not, to suppress historical enquiry. See the introduction.

78. For instance, Samuel K. Cohn Jr., in his revisionist history, The Black Death Transformed: Disease and Culture in Early Renaissance Europe (London: Arnold, 2002), 247, refuses to propose any alternative at all to plague, while the revisionist authors, Susan Scott and Christopher J. Duncan, in Biology of Plagues: Evidence from Historical Populations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 384—89, make up their own disease to replace plague, which they call “hemorrhagic plague,” which seems akin to Ebola (caused by a virus). But one can't even engage in debate over a fictional illness.

79. The original French results, their detractors, and the new evidence are all cited by Little, “Life and Afterlife,” 19—21, and McCormick, “Toward a Molecular History,” 294-97.

80. See, in particular, William M. Bowsky, ed., The Black Death: A Turning Point in History? (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971).

81. See Benedictow, Black Death, 245-384.

82. Massimo Livi Bacci, The Population of Europe: A History, trans. C. De Nardi and C. Ipsen (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000), 74; Stathakopoulos, “Crime and Punishment,” 105.

83. Carlo M. Cipolla, Miasmas and Disease: Public Health and the Environment in the Pre-Industrial Age, trans. E. Potter (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1992), 68.

84. John Aberth, From the Brink of the Apocalypse: Confronting Famine, War, Plague and Death in the Later Middle Ages, 2nd ed. (London: Routledge, 2010), 96—99; C. N. Fabbri, “Continuity and Change in Late Medieval Plague Medicine: A Survey of 152 Plague Tracts from 1348 to 1599” (PhD diss., Yale University, 2006), 126; Cipolla, Mi­asmas and Disease, 6.

85. A much fuller study of the medical response to the Black Death will be forth­coming in my Doctoring the Black Death: The Late Medieval Medical Response to Epidemic Disease, to be published by Rowman & Littlefield.

86. Dols, “Comparative Communal Responses,” 275; Dols, Black Death, 109; Law­rence I. Conrad, “Epidemic Disease in Formal and Popular Thought in Early Islamic Society,” in Epidemics and Ideas: Essays on the Historical Perception of Pestilence, ed. T. Ranger and P Slack, 77—99 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).

87. A point made most cogently by Justin Stearns with regard to contagion in his dissertation, “Infectious Ideas: Contagion in Medieval Islamic and Christian Thought” (PhD diss., Princeton University, 2007), but one that is also made by Marie-Helene Congourdeau and Mohamed Melhaoui, “La Perception de la Peste en Pays Chretien, Byzantine, et Musulman,” Revue des Etudes Byzantines 59 (2001): 95—124.

88. Stearns, “Infectious Ideas,” 182—99; Conrad, “Epidemic Disease,” 86—91.

89. Stearns, “Infectious Ideas,” 204—9; John Aberth, The Black Death: The Great Mortality of 1348—1350. A Brief History with Documents (Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2005), 62-63.

90. Stearns, “Infectious Ideas,” 32-43, 182-211; Aberth, The Black Death, 56.

91. Stearns, “Infectious Ideas,” 204.

92. M. Isabel Calero Secall, “El Proceso de Ibn al-Jatib,” Al-Qantas: Arab Studies Journal 22 (2001): 437-38.

93. Gentile da Foligno, Consilium contra Pestilentiam (Colle di Valdelsa, c. 1479), 4-5.

94. Horrox, The Black Death, 182-84.

95. Sudhoff, “Pestschriften aus den ersten 150 Jahren nach der Epidemie des ‘schwarzen Todes' 1348,” Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 4 (1911): 422.

96. Stearns, “Infectious Ideas,” 208.

97. Aberth, The Black Death, 45, 51.

98. Sudhoff, “Pestschriften aus den ersten 150 Jahren nach der Epidemie des ‘schwarzen Todes' 1348,” Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 16 (1925): 170.

99. Sudhoff, “Pestschriften aus den ersten 150 Jahren nach der Epidemie des ‘schwarzen Todes' 1348,” Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 11 (1919): 44-47.

100.Sudhoff, “Pestschriften aus den ersten 150 Jahren nach der Epidemie des ‘schwarzen Todes' 1348,” Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 5 (1912): 341-48.

101.Sudhoff, “Pestschriften aus den ersten 150 Jahren nach der Epidemie des ‘schwarzen Todes' 1348,” Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 14 (1923): 159.

102. Stearns, “Infectious Ideas,” 112-13.

103. Aberth, The Black Death, 115.

104. Aberth, The Black Death, 115.

105. Stearns, “Infectious Ideas,” 204—5.

106. Stearns, “Infectious Ideas,” 116—30.

107. Stearns, “Infectious Ideas,” 138-41, 218.

108. Galen's original aphorism was “I urge you, go far away and don't come back

soon.” However, it is unclear which of Galen's works, if any, this is from. See Stathako- poulos, “Crime and Punishment,” 111n93.

109. Sudhoff, “Pestschriften aus den ersten 150 Jahren nach der Epidemie des ‘schwarzen Todes' 1348,” Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 16 (1925): 26.

110. Horrox, The Black Death, 203.

111. Foligno, Consilium contra Pestilentiam, 3.

112. Sudhoff, “Pestschriften aus den ersten 150 Jahren nach der Epidemie des ‘schwarzen Todes' 1348,” Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 5 (1912): 333.

113. Horrox, The Black Death, 184.

114. Aberth, The Black Death, 77.

115. S. K. Wray, “Boccaccio and the Doctors: Medicine and Compassion in the Face of the Plague,” Journal of Medieval History 30 (2004): 301-22.

116. Aberth, The Black Death, 76.

117. Aberth, The Black Death, 77.

118. Horrox, The Black Death, 28.

119. MS Vatic. Lat. 4589, fols. 138r-155v.

120. Aberth, The Black Death, 112-13.

121. Aberth, The Black Death, 110-14.

122. Stearns, “Infectious Ideas,” 116-26, 189-97, 212-18.

123. Dols, “Comparative Communal Responses,” 276-77; Dols, Black Death, 112-13.

124. Sudhoff, “Pestschriften aus den ersten 150 Jahren nach der Epidemie des ‘schwarzen Todes' 1348,” Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 16 (1925): 26.

125. Aberth, The Black Death, 73.

126. MS Vatic. Lat. 4589, fols. 146r.-149r.

127. Sudhoff, “Pestschriften aus den ersten 150 Jahren nach der Epidemie des ‘schwarzen Todes' 1348,” Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 11 (1919): 150.

128. Julian of Norwich, Revelations of Divine Love, in A Book of Showings to the An­choress Julian of Norwich, ed. Edmund Colledge and James Walsh, chap. 27 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1978).

129. Aberth, The Black Death, 123-24.

130. See, especially, Norman Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium: Revolutionary Mes­sianism in Medieval and Reformation Europe and Its Bearing on Modern Totalitarian Move­ments (New York: Harper, 1961), 124-48.

131. Dols, “Comparative Communal Responses,” 273, 283-84; Dols, Black Death, 287-88, 294-95.

132. Dols, “Comparative Communal Responses,” 285; Dols, Black Death, 296-97.

133. I argue that the Flagellant movement was mainly motivated by a desire to ward off or take away the plague, which I elaborate on in more detail in From the Brink of the Apocalypse, 133-56.

134. See, for example, Ibn Kathlr’s description of Muslim prayers and processions dur­ing the Black Death in Damascus, Syria, available in Aberth, The Black Death, 110—12.

135. The issue is raised in Dols, “Comparative Communal Responses,” 274—75; and Dols, Black Death, 288—89.

136. For a fuller discussion of the supposed connection between the Jewish pogroms and the Flagellants, see Aberth, From the Brink of the Apocalypse, 153—56.

137. See Aberth, From the Brink of the Apocalypse, 156—91, for a more detailed expla­nation of this argument.

138. Sudhoff, “Pestschriften aus den ersten 150 Jahren nach der Epidemie des ‘schwarzen Todes’ 1348,” Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 4 (1911): 215.

139. Congourdeau and Melhaoui, “La Perception,” 124; Stearns, “Infectious Ideas,” 238.

140. Stearns, “Infectious Ideas,” 236—37.

141. Dols, “Comparative Communal Responses,” 286—87.

142. Joseph-Jean de Smet, ed., Recueil des Chroniques de Flandre, 4 vols. (Brussels, 1837—1865), 2:280; Ibn Battuta, Travels, A.D. 1325—1354, trans. H. A. R. Gibb, 5 vols. (Cambridge, UK: Hakluyt Society, 1958—2000), 4:919.

143. Aberth, The Black Death, 115.

144.Escorial MS 1785, fols. 107r—v. This manuscript was translated for me from the Arabic by Russell Hopley of Bowdoin College.

145. Escorial MS 1785, fol. 107r.

146. Cohn, The Black Death Transformed, 49.

147. Carlo M. Cipolla, Public Health and the Medical Profession in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 36—44; Carlo M. Cipolla, Faith, Rea­son, and the Plague in Seventeenth-Century Tuscany, trans. M. Kittel (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1979), 1—14; Paul Slack, The Impact ofPlague in Tudor and Stuart Eng­land (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1985), 228—32; Paul Slack, “Responses to Plague in Early Modern Europe: The Implications of Public Health,” in In Time of Plague: The History and Social Consequences of Lethal Epidemic Disease, ed. A. Mack, 111—32 (New York: New York University Press, 1991), 123; Brian Pullan, “Plague and Perceptions of the Poor in Early Modern Italy,” in Epidemics and Ideas: Essays on the His­torical Perception of Pestilence, ed. T. Ranger and P Slack, 101—23 (Cambridge: Cam­bridge University Press, 1992).

148. Nancy Elizabeth Gallagher, Medicine and Power in Tunisia, 1780—1900 (Cam­bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 24—32.

149.Andrew Appleby, “The Disappearance of Plague: A Continuing Puzzle,” Eco­nomic History Review 33 (1980): 167—69; Paul Slack, “The Disappearance of Plague: An Alternative View,” Economic History Review 34 (1981): 469—76; Sheldon Watts, Epidem­ics and History: Disease, Power and Imperialism (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997), 34-39.

150. Aberth, The Black Death, 85.

151. Marchionne di Coppo Stefani, Cronaca Fiorentina, ed. Niccolò Rodolica, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores 30/1 (Città di Castello, 1903), 230.

152. Dols, Black Death, 248.

153. Aberth, The Black Death, 85; Pullan, “Plague and Perceptions of the Poor,” 117.

154. Samuel K. Cohn Jr., The Cult of Remembrance and the Black Death: Six Renais­sance Cities in Central Italy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); Samuel K. Cohn Jr., “The Place of the Dead in Flanders and Tuscany: Towards a Comparative History of the Black Death,” in The Place of the Dead: Death and Remembrance in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. B. Gordon and P. Marshall, 17—43 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).

155. See Aberth, From the Brink of the Apocalypse, 210—75, for a more detailed presen­tation of this argument.

156.Stuart J. Borsch, The Black Death in Egypt and England: A Comparative Study (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2005), 19-20.

157. Dols, Black Death, 212-23; Borsch, Black Death in Egypt and England, 15, 24-25.

158. Dols, Black Death, 256-80.

159. Borsch, Black Death in Egypt and England, 10-11.

160. Borsch, Black Death in Egypt and England, 40-112.

161. Borsch, Black Death in Egypt and England, 24-39.

162. Borsch, Black Death in Egypt and England, 115.

163. Sudhoff, “Pestschriften aus den ersten 150 Jahren nach der Epidemie des ‘schwarzen Todes' 1348,” Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 11 (1919): 144.

164. Sudhoff, “Pestschriften aus den ersten 150 Jahren nach der Epidemie des ‘schwarzen Todes' 1348,” Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 11 (1919): 147-48, and 17 (1925): 82.

165. Aberth, The Black Death, 16-18, 112-14.

166. Carol Benedict, Bubonic Plague in Nineteenth-Century China (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1996), 17-71.

167.Myron Echenberg, Plague Ports: The Global Urban Impact of Bubonic Plague, 1894—1901 (New York: New York University Press, 2007).

168. In addition to David Arnold's Colonizing the Body: State Medicine and Epidemic Disease in Nineteenth-Century India (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), a useful summary of the issues involved with the Third Pandemic in India is available in Rajnarayan Chandavarkar, “Plague Panic and Epidemic Politics in India, 1896-1914,” in Epidemics and Ideas: Essays on the Historical Perception of Pestilence, ed. T. Ranger and P Slack, 203-40 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); and John Aberth, The First Horseman: Disease in Human History (Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Pearson/Prentice Hall, 2007), 76-85, 88-92, 96-97.

169. Aberth, The First Horseman, 85-87, 102-9.

170. Aberth, The First Horseman, 111.

171. Lien-Teh, Treatise on Pneumonic Plague, 421-26.

172. Arnold, Colonizing the Body, 70-77; Chandavarkar, “Plague Panic,” 223-26.

173. Lien-Teh, Treatise on Pneumonic Plague, 112.

174. Myron Echenberg, Black Death, White Medicine: Bubonic Plague and the Poli­tics of Public Health in Colonial Senegal, 1914—1945 (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 2002), 58-89.

175. Echenberg, Black Death, White Medicine, 106—9.

176. Appleby, “The Disappearance of Plague,” 169—73. Appleby explains the persis­tence of plague in the Middle East beyond its terminal date in Europe as due to different strains of Yersiniapestis being present in each region. However, one should also read the response by Slack, “The Disappearance of Plague,” 469—73.

177. Aberth, The First Horseman, 89.

178. Aberth, The First Horseman, 94.

179. Aberth, The First Horseman, 78—79.

180. Chandavarkar, “Plague Panic,” 206, 218—20, 232.

181. W. C. Rand, Draft of Report to Government of Bombay (n.p., n.d.), 3.

182. Chandavarkar, “Plague Panic,” 91.

183. Chandavarkar, “Plague Panic,” 99.

184. Chandavarkar, “Plague Panic,” 91, 94.

185. Chandavarkar, “Plague Panic,” 112.

186. Chandavarkar, “Plague Panic,” 84—85.

187. Chandavarkar, “Plague Panic,” 88—89.

188. Chandavarkar, “Plague Panic,” 93.

189. Chandavarkar, “Plague Panic,” 226—32.

190. Echenberg, Plague Ports, 16—107, 131—302.

191. Pullan, “Plague and Perceptions of the Poor,” 120—21.

192. Arnold, Colonizing the Body, 211.

193. Chandavarkar, “Plague Panic,” 232—33.

Chapter 2: Smallpox

1. Donald R. Hopkins, The Greatest Killer: Smallpox in History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), 15.

2. Hopkins, The Greatest Killer, 15—16.

3. Hopkins, The Greatest Killer, 16—17.

4. E. Fuller Torrey and Robert H. Yolken, Beasts of the Earth: Animals, Humans, and Disease (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2005), 41-42.

5. John Aberth, From the Brink of the Apocalypse: Confronting Famine, War, Plague, and Death in the Later Middle Ages, 2nd ed. (London: Routledge, 2010), 229-37.

6. Victor Davis Hanson, A War Like No Other: How the Athenians and Spartans Fought the Peloponnesian War (New York: Random House, 2005), 66, 70—71, 77—78.

7. Jo N. Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics: Their Impacts on Human History (Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 2005), 17-20.

8. Hopkins, The Greatest Killer, 168.

9. Suzanne Austin Alchon, A Pest in the Land: New World Epidemics in a Global Perspective (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2003), 63-105.

10. A good overview of the debate is available in Alchon, A Pest in the Land, 147-77.

11. David Noble Cook, Born to Die: Disease and New World Conquest, 1492—1650 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 13.

12. Their major works include the following: John Duffy, Epidemics in Colonial America (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1953); Alfred W. Crosby, The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1972); Alfred W. Crosby, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expan­sion of Europe, 900—1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986); William McNeill, Plagues and Peoples, updated ed. (New York: Anchor Books, 1998).

13. Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics, 84—85; Alchon, A Pest in the Land, 68—79.

14. Thomas M. Whitmore, Disease and Death in Early Colonial Mexico: Simulating Amerindian Depopulation (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1992), 208.

15.Alfred W. Crosby, “Conquistador y Pestilencia: The First New World Pandemic and the Fall of the Great Indian Empires,” Hispanic American Historical Review 47 (1967): 321—37; McNeill, Plagues and Peoples, 208—41; Cook, Born to Die, 60—94.

16. Alchon, A Pest in the Land, 81—82.

17. John Hatcher, “Mortality in the Fifteenth Century: Some New Evidence,” Eco­nomic History Review 39 (1986): 19—38.

18. Robert Hoeniger, Der Schwarze Tod in Deutschland (Berlin: Grosser, 1882), 176.

19.Alchon, A Pest in the Land, 110; Bernard R. Ortiz de Montellano, Aztec Medicine, Health, and Nutrition (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1990), 37—38.

20. Ortiz de Montellano, Aztec Medicine, 129—92.

21. Alchon, A Pest in the Land, 109—45.

22. William P. Caferro, “Warfare and Economy in Renaissance Italy, 1350—1450,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 39 (2008): 173.

23. Aberth, From the Brink of the Apocalypse, 79—275.

24.The Annals of the Cakchiquels, trans. A. Recinos and D. Goetz (Norman: Univer­sity of Oklahoma Press, 1953), 116.

25.David E. Stannard, “Disease and Infertility: A New Look at the Demographic Col­lapse of Native Populations in the Wake of Western Contact,” Journal of American Studies 24 (1990): 325—50; Alfred W Crosby, “Hawaiian Depopulation as a Model for the Am­erindian Experience,” in Epidemics and Ideas: Essays on the Historical Perception of Pestilence, ed. T Ranger and P Slack, 175—201 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).

26. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples, 216—17.

27. Kark Sudhoff, “Pestschriften aus den ersten 150 Jahren nach der Epidemie des ‘schwarzen Todes' 1348,” Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 8 (1915): 247—52, and 17 (1925): 63-64.

28.Daniel T. Reff, Disease, Depopulation, and Culture Change in Northwestern New Spain, 1518—1764 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1991), 260-64.

29. Hopkins, The Greatest Killer, 29-41.

30.Elizabeth Fenn, Pox Americana: The Great Smallpox Epidemic of1775—1782 (New York: Hill and Wang, 2001).

31. Hopkins, The Greatest Killer, 46-96.

32. David Arnold, Colonizing the Body: State Medicine and Epidemic Disease in Nine­teenth-Century India (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 116-58; David Arnold, “Smallpox and Colonial Medicine in Nineteenth-Century India,” in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. D. Arnold, 45—65 (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1988).

33. Arnold, Colonizing the Body, 116—58; Myron Echenberg, Plague Ports: The Global Urban Impact of Bubonic Plague, 1894—1901 (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 174-77.

34. Hopkins, The Greatest Killer, 304-10.

35. Lawrence K. Altman, “W.H.O. Panel Backs Gene Manipulation in Smallpox Vi­rus,” New York Times, November 12, 2004.

Chapter 3: Tuberculosis

1. E. Fuller Torrey and Robert H. Yolken, Beasts of the Earth: Animals, Humans, and Disease (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2005), 42-43.

2. B. Rothschild et al., “Mycobacterium Tuberculosis Complex DNA from an Ex­tinct Bison Dated 17,000 Years before the Present,” Clinical Infectious Diseases 33 (2001): 305-11.

3. John Hatcher, “Mortality in the Fifteenth Century: Some New Evidence,” Eco­nomic History Review 39 (1986): 30.

4. Rene Dubos and Jean Dubos, The White Plague: Tuberculosis, Man and Society (Boston: Little, Brown, 1952), 8; T. M. Daniel, Captain of Death: The Story of Tubercu­losis (Rochester, N.Y.: University of Rochester Press, 1997), 27.

5. Dubos and Dubos, White Plague, 8; Daniel, Captain of Death, 30; F. B. Smith, The Retreat of Tuberculosis, 1850—1950 (London: Croom Helm, 1988), 4-9; Jo N. Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics: Their Impacts on Human History (Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC­CLIO, 2005), 201.

6. Thomas Dormandy, The White Death: A History of Tuberculosis (New York: New York University Press, 2000), 139—46; Smith, Retreat of Tuberculosis, 56-62.

7. Frank Ryan, The Forgotten Plague: How the Battle against Tuberculosis Was Won— and Lost (Boston: Little, Brown, 1992), 31-48, 209-23.

8. Dubos and Dubos, White Plague, 154-72; Dormandy, White Death, 339-49; Lee B. Reichman and Janice Hopkins Tanne, Timebomb: The Global Epidemic of Multi-Drug Resistant Tuberculosis (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2002), 30—35.

9. Dubos and Dubos, White Plague, 28-43, 94-128; Smith, Retreat of Tuberculosis, 166-211; David S. Barnes, The Making of a Social Disease: Tuberculosis in Nineteenth­Century France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 23-47, 138-73; Dor- mandy, White Death, 73-84.

10. Reichman and Tanne, Timebomb, 87-107.

11. Barnes, Making of a Social Disease, 74-111.

12. Reichman and Tanne, Timebomb, 43-62.

13. Dubos and Dubos, White Plague, 69-76.

14. Dubos and Dubos, White Plague, 173-81; Mark Caldwell, The Last Crusade: The War on Consumption, 1862—1954 (New York: Atheneum, 1988), 40—151; Smith, Retreat of Tuberculosis, 97-135; Dormandy, White Death, 147-86.

15. Smith, Retreat of Tuberculosis, 142—45; Dormandy, White Death, 249—63, 351-60.

16. Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics, 208-9.

17. Dubos and Dubos, White Plague, 197-207; Smith, Retreat of Tuberculosis, 212-35; Barnes, Making of a Social Disease, 112-37.

18. Dormandy, White Death, 13-25. See also Susan Sontag's Illness as Metaphor (New York: Picador/Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1977), where she discusses tuberculosis as a “metaphor” for the myth of a romantic death, in contrast to cancer.

19. Dubos and Dubos, White Plague, 11-27, 44-66; Dormandy, White Death, 13-25, 85-100.

20. Paul Barber, Vampires, Burial, and Death (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1988), 115.

21. Michael E. Bell, Food for the Dead: On the Trail of New England’s Vampires (New York: Carroll and Graf, 2001); Joseph A. Citro, Passing Strange: True Tales of New England Haunt- ings and Horrors (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1996), 204-19; Joseph A. Citro, Green Moun­tain Ghosts, Ghouls and Unsolved Mysteries (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1994), 68-72.

22. This information is available at the WHO website, www.who.int/mediacentre/ factsheets/fs104/en.

23. This epidemic is discussed at some length in the following works: Ryan, Forgotten Plague, 389-411; Richard Coker, From Chaos to Coercion: Detention and the Control of Tuberculosis (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000); Reichman and Tanne, Timebomb, 139-54; Deborah Wallace and Rodrick Wallace, “The Recent Tuberculosis Epidemic in New York City: Warning from the De-Developing World,” in The Return of the White Plague: Global Poverty and the “New” Tuberculosis, ed. M. Gandy and A. Zumla, 125-46 (London: Verso, 2003).

24. Reichman and Tanne, Timebomb, 142-53.

25. Reichman and Tanne, Timebomb, 149.

26. Coker, From Chaos to Coercion, 83-119, 141-89.

27. Judith Walzer Leavitt, Typhoid Mary: Captive to the Public’s Health (Boston: Bea­con Press, 1996), esp. 39-125.

28. Reichman and Tanne, Timebomb, 63-125.

29. Information available on USAID website, at www.usaid.gov/our_work/global_ health/id/tuberculosis/countries/eande/russia_profile.html. See also Vivien Stern, “The House of the Dead Revisited: Prisons, Tuberculosis and Public Health in the Former Soviet Bloc,” in The Return of the White Plague: Global Poverty and the “New” Tuberculosis, ed. M. Gandy and A. Zumla, 178-91 (London: Verso, 2003).

30. Coker, From Chaos to Coercion, 6-11.

31. Reichman and Tanne, Timebomb, 176-77.

32. Reichman and Tanne, Timebomb, 181-86. Trials are currently under way for one such vaccine developed by the Aeras Global TB Vaccine Foundation in Rockville, Maryland.

33. Leopold Blanc and Mukund Uplekar, “The Present Global Burden of Tuberculo­sis,” in The Return of the White Plague: Global Poverty and the “New” Tuberculosis, ed. M. Gandy and A. Zumla, 95-111 (London: Verso, 2003), 106-7.

Chapter 4: Cholera

1. Robert D. Morris, The Blue Death: Disease, Disaster, and the Water We Drink (New York: HarperCollins, 2007), 120—30; Christopher Hamlin, Cholera: The Biography (Ox­ford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 19-23.

2. Jo N. Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics: Their Impacts on Human History (Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 2005), 230.

3. Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics, 214; R. J. Morris, Cholera 1832: The Social Re­sponse to an Epidemic (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1976), 15—16; Michael Durey, The Return of the Plague: British Society and the Cholera, 1831—2 (Dublin: Gill and Mac­millan, 1979), 216-18; Morris, The Blue Death, 80-81.

4. Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics, 193-200, 211-38, 267-79, 303-14, 321-29, 345-54, 369-75, 421-26.

5. Morris, The Blue Death, 257-92.

6. I am indebted to Jo N. Hays and his historiographical essay, “Nineteenth-Century Cholera in Twentieth-Century Historical Writing,” page 2, which he presented at my panel on “Plagues in World History” at the 2008 annual meeting of the American His­torical Association, Washington, D.C., January 3-6. But see also Roderick E. McGrew, Russia and the Cholera, 1823—1832 (Madison: University ofWisconsin Press, 1965), 7-9; Morris, Cholera 1832, 170-84; Durey, Return of the Plague, 107-20; Francois Delaporte, Disease and Civilization: The Cholera in Paris, 1832 (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1986), 139-95; Catherine J. Kudlick, Cholera in Post-Revolutionary Paris: A CulturalHis- tory (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), 75-81.

7. Delaporte, Disease and Civilization, 47-72; Kudlick, Cholera in Post-Revolution­ary Paris, 31-64, 176-219; William Coleman, Death Is a Social Disease: Public Health and Political Economy in Early Industrial France (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982), 171-80; Richard J. Evans, “Epidemics and Revolutions: Cholera in Nineteenth-Century Europe,” in Epidemics and Ideas: Essays on the Historical Perception of Pestilence, ed. T. Ranger and P. Slack, 149-73 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).

8. McGrew, Russia and the Cholera, esp. 98-158.

9. Durey, Return of the Plague, 155-84.

10. Richard J. Evans, Death in Hamburg: Society and Politics in the Cholera Years, 1830—1910 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), esp. 470-568. Not even the “slum clearances” in Hamburg five years later, when allegedly unsanitary housing near the river was razed and the working-class residents forced to relocate, apparently elicited signifi­cant protests from this politically “dangerous” sector.

11. Frank M. Snowden, Naples in the Time of Cholera, 1884—1911 (Cambridge: Cam­bridge University Press, 1995), 149-54, 285-59.

12. David Arnold, Colonizing the Body: State Medicine and Epidemic Disease in Nine­teenth-Century India (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 168-99; David Arnold, “Cholera and Colonialism in British India,” Past and Present 113 (1986): 128-45; Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics, 267.

13. Arnold, Colonizing the Body, 179—89; Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics, 197—98.

14. Sheldon Watts, Epidemics and History: Disease, Power and Imperialism (New Ha­ven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997), 200-212. Watts argues further that commercial interests promoted engineering projects, such as railways and canals, that actually made cholera worse in India.

15. Arnold, Colonizing the Body, 171—78.

16. Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics, 345, 349—50; Reynaldo C. Ileto, “Cholera and the Origins of the American Sanitary Order in the Philippines,” in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. D. Arnold, 125—48 (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1988); Rodney Sullivan, “Cholera and Colonialism in the Philippines, 1899— 1903,” in Disease, Medicine, and Empire: Perspectives on Western Medicine and the Experi­ence of European Expansion, ed. R. M. MacLeod and M. J. Lewis, 284—300 (London: Routledge, 1988).

17. Nancy Elizabeth Gallagher, Medicine and Power in Tunisia, 17801900 (Cam­bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 40—64.

18. Morris, Cholera 1832, 206-10; Morris, The Blue Death, 75-95.

19. Alfred Jay Bollet, Plagues and Poxes: The Impact of Human History on Epidemic Disease, 2nd ed. (New York: Demos, 2004), 40, 62.

20. Charles E. Rosenberg, The Cholera Years (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962), 192-212; Durey, Return of the Plague, 77-100.

21. Morris, Cholera 1832, 210; Morris, The Blue Death, 96-108.

22. Evans, Death in Hamburg, 490-507.

23. Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics, 426.

24. Morris, Cholera 1832, 166-70.

25. Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics, 424-26.

26.Norman Howard-Jones, “Cholera Therapy in the Nineteenth Century,” Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 27 (1972): 373-95.

Chapter 5: Influenza

1. Dorothy A. Pettit and Janice Bailie, A Cruel Wind: Pandemic Flu in America, 1918—1920 (Murfreesboro, Tenn.: Timberland Books, 2008), 2-18. For a far more de­tailed and scientific discussion of influenza biology, readers will want to consult Edwin D. Kilbourne, Influenza (New York: Plenum Medical Book, 1987).

2. Paul Tambyah and Ping-Chung Leung, eds., Bird Flu: A Rising Pandemic in Asia and Beyond? (Singapore: World Scientific Publishing, 2006), 7-8, 60-62.

3. Pettit and Bailie, A Cruel Wind, 4.

4. This is indeed the basis for an alternative hypothesis as to how influenza epidem­ics arise and spread: see R. Edgar Hope-Simpson, The Transmission of Epidemic Influenza (New York: Plenum, 1992).

5. See, for example, Tom Quinn's discussion of the pre-eighteenth-century occur­rence of the disease in Flu: A Social History of Influenza (London: New Holland Publish­ers, 2008), 39-57.

6. Howard Phillips and David Killingray, eds., The Spanish Influenza Pandemic of 1918—19: New Perspectives (New York: Routledge, 2003), 8—9, 40—41; Jo N. Hays, Epi­demics and Pandemics: Their Impacts on Human History (Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC— CLIO, 2005), 386-87.

7. Phillips and Killingray, Spanish Influenza Pandemic, 5-7; Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics, 385-88.

8. Kilbourne, Influenza, 268-70.

9. Alfred W. Crosby, America’s Forgotten Pandemic: The Influenza of 1918, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), esp. 311-28.

10. E. Fuller Torrey and Robert H. Yolken, Beasts of the Earth: Animals, Humans, and Disease (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2005), 114-16.

11. Quinn, Flu, 39-57; W. I. B. Beveridge, Influenza: The Last Great Plague: An Un­finished Story of Discovery (New York: Prodist, 1977), 24—26.

12. Ken Albala, Eating Right in the Renaissance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 122-23.

13. Quinn, Flu, 59-83; K. David Patterson, Pandemic Influenza, 1700—1900: A Study in Historical Epidemiology (Totowa, N.J.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1986), 11-28.

14. Quinn, Flu, 85-121; Patterson, Pandemic Influenza, 29-82; Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics, 394.

15. Crosby's original title was Epidemic and Peace, 1918 (Westport, Conn.: Green­wood Press, 1976), subsequently issued in a second edition in 2003 as Americas Forgotten Pandemic with Cambridge University Press. Around this same time, a more popular, less historically rigorous account was published by Richard Collier, The Plague of the Spanish Lady: The Influenza Pandemic of 1918—1919 (New York: Atheneum, 1974). Among the more notable of the recent narrative histories to appear are as follows: Gina Kolata, Flu: The Story of the Great Influenza Pandemic of 1918 and the Search for the Virus that Caused It (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1999); John M. Barry, The Great Influenza: The Epic Story of the Deadliest Plague in History (New York: Viking Penguin, 2004); Pettit and Bailie, A Cruel Wind.

16. Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics, 387, 389; Quinn, Flu, 151; I. D. Mills, “The 1918-1919 Influenza Pandemic: The Indian Experience,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 23 (1986): 1-40.

17. Phillips and Killingray, Spanish Influenza Pandemic, 221-29.

18. Phillips and Killingray, Spanish Influenza Pandemic, 86-98.

19. Phillips and Killingray, Spanish Influenza Pandemic, 110-31, 156-72; Hays, Epi­demics and Pandemics, 387, 391; Crosby, America’s Forgotten Pandemic, 227-63.

20. Pettit and Bailie, A Cruel Wind, 232-37; Phillips and Killingray, Spanish Influenza Pandemic, 39-46.

21. Mike Davis, The Monster at Our Door: The Global Threat of Avian Flu (New York: Owl Books, 2005), 50.

22. Quinn, Flu, 132-33, 156-59.

23. Felissa R. Lashley and Jerry D. Durham, eds., Emerging Infectious Diseases: Trends and Issues, 2nd ed. (New York: Springer, 2007), 133—57, 185—96, 325—36.

24. Crosby, America’s Forgotten Pandemic, 295—308; Quinn, Flu, 140.

25. Pettit and Bailie, A Cruel Wind, 62—64, 231—32; Barry, The Great Influenza, 91-97, 453-56.

26. Alfred Jay Bollet, Plagues and Poxes: The Impact of Human History on Epidemic Disease, 2nd ed. (New York: Demos, 2004), 105—11; Quinn, Flu, 126-31.

27. Phillips and Killingray, Spanish Influenza Pandemic, 73-85, 132-55, 173-201.

28. Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics, 387.

29. Quinn, Flu, 195-96.

30. Phillips and Killingray, Spanish Influenza Pandemic, 139-41; 202-17.

31. Phillips and Killingray, Spanish Influenza Pandemic, 49-69.

32. Quinn, Flu, 140-45; June E. Osborn, ed., History, Science and Politics: Influenza in America, 1918—1976 (New York: Prodist, 1977), 23.

33. Crosby, America’s Forgotten Pandemic, 319-23; Kolata, Flu, 53-54.

34. Quinn, Flu, 161-71; Kilbourne, Influenza, 16-19.

35. Kilbourne, Influenza, 326-27; Bollet, Plagues and Poxes, 113; Osborn, History, Science and Politics, 24; Martin A. Levin and Mary Bryna Sanger, After the Cure: Managing AIDS and Other Public Health Crises (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2000), 51-52.

36. Kilbourne, Influenza, 328-29; Bollet, Plagues and Poxes, 113-14; Osborn, History, Science and Politics, 25-51; Levin and Sanger, After the Cure, 52-55; Davis, The Monster at Our Door, 40-42.

37. Kilbourne, Influenza, 314-15, 329-31; Bollet, Plagues and Poxes, 115; Osborn, History, Science and Politics, 63-64.

38. Kilbourne, Influenza, 331.

39. Osborn, History, Science and Politics, 66-70.

40. Davis, The Monster at Our Door, 43-44.

41. Kilbourne, Influenza, 329; Bollet, Plagues and Poxes, 115-16; Levin and Sanger, After the Cure, 56-70.

42. www.who.int/csr/disease/avian_influenza.

43. Tambyah and Ping-Chung, Bird Flu, 7-8, 25-33, 64-66; Davis, The Monster at Our Door, 45-54; Quinn, Flu, 177-84.

44. Joseph Mercola and Pam Killeen, The Great Bird Flu Hoax: The Truth They Don’t Want You to Know about the “Next Big Pandemic” (Nashville: Nelson Books, 2006), 1-55, 99-123.

45. Quinn, Flu, 188-89, 203-4.

46. Quinn, Flu, 182-85; Mercola and Killeen, The Great Bird Flu Hoax, 4-6.

47. Davis, The Monster at Our Door, 97-114; Mercola and Killeen, The Great Bird Flu Hoax, 56-98.

48. Tambyah and Ping-Chung, Bird Flu, 140-42; Quinn, Flu, 189, 199-202.

49. Tambyah and Ping-Chung, Bird Flu, 99-118, 127-146; Quinn, Flu, 173-77, 185-87, 190-95; Mercola and Killeen, The Great Bird Flu Hoax, 158-94.

50. Most information on the 2009 flu pandemic is available on the websites ofWHO, the CDC, and the European CDC: www.who.int/csr/disease/swineflu; www.cdc.gov/ H1N1FLU; www.ecdc.europa.eu/en/healthtopics/H1N1.

51. Richard Wenzel, “What We Learned from H1N1's First Year,” New York Times, April 13, 2010.

52. Wenzel, “What We Learned.”

Chapter 6: AIDS

1. For a more detailed description of the biology of HIV, see I. Edward Alcamo, AIDS: The Biological Basis, 3rd ed. (Sudbury, Mass.: Jones and Bartlett, 2003), 30—83; Hung Y. Fan, Ross F. Conner, and Luis P. Villarreal, AIDS: Science and Society, 5th ed. (Sudbury, Mass.: Jones and Bartlett, 2007), 17—54.

2. Alcamo, AIDS, 84—108; Fan, Conner, and Villarreal, AIDS, 67—84; James Chin, The AIDS Pandemic: The Collision of Epidemiology with Political Correctness (Oxford, UK: Radcliffe, 2007), 46—50.

3. Alcamo, AIDS, 120—34; Fan, Conner, and Villarreal, AIDS, 117—29; Chin, The AIDS Pandemic, 61—66; John Aberth, The First Horseman: Disease in Human History (Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Pearson/Prentice Hall, 2007), 119—20.

4. Alcamo, AIDS, 260—84; Jonathan Engel, The Epidemic: A Global History of AIDS (New York: HarperCollins, 2006), 63-66.

5. Alcamo, AIDS, 212—53; Fan, Conner, and Villarreal, AIDS, 84—92.

6. This theory was popularized by Edward Hooper's book, The River: A Journey to the Source of HIV and AIDS (Boston: Little, Brown, 1999). Despite the fact that it has now been conclusively disproved, Hooper has yet to retract his theory.

7. Alcamo, AIDS, 13—18; Helen Epstein, The Invisible Cure: Africa, the West, and the Fight against AIDS (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007), 39-48; John Iliffe, The African AIDS Epidemic: A History (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2006), 3—9; Jo N. Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics: Their Impacts on Human History (Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 2005), 446-47.

8. Alcamo, AIDS, 34, 73; Fan, Conner, and Villarreal, AIDS, 13-14; Chin, The AIDS Pandemic, 50-52.

9. Mirko D. Grmek, History of AIDS: Emergence and Origin of a Modern Pandemic, trans. R. C. Maulitz and J. Duffin (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1990), 108-9; Iliffe, The African AIDS Epidemic, 6.

10. On the 1980s decade of AIDS in the United States, see Randy Shilts, And the Band Played On: Politics, People, and the AIDS Epidemic (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1987); Engel, The Epidemic, 5-210; Martin A. Levin and Mary Bryna Sanger, After the Cure: Managing AIDS and Other Public Health Crises (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2000), 119-40; Kenneth J. Doka, AIDS, Fear, and Society: Challenging the Dreaded Disease (Bristol, Pa.: Taylor and Francis, 1997), 61-81.

11. Michael Fumento, The Myth of Heterosexual AIDS (New York: Basic Books, 1991); Engel, The Epidemic, 197-201.

12. Most of the social, legal, and cultural issues surrounding AIDS in the United States and Europe are thoroughly vetted in the following works: Elizabeth Fee and Daniel M. Fox, eds., AIDS: The Burdens of History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988); Peter Aggleton, Peter Davies, and Graham Hart, eds., AIDS: Individual, Cultural and Policy Dimensions (Basingstoke, UK: Falmer Press, 1990); Douglas A. Feldman, ed., Culture and AIDS (New York: Praeger, 1990); Dorothy Nelkin, David P Willis, and Scott V. Parris, eds., A Disease of Society: Cultural and Institutional Re­sponses to AIDS (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); Elizabeth Fee and Daniel M. Fox, eds., AIDS: The Making of a Chronic Disease (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992); Albert R. Jonsen and Jeff Stryker, eds., The Social Impact of AIDS in the United States (Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press, 1993); Vir­ginia Berridge and Philip Strong, eds., AIDS and Contemporary History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Brenda Almond, ed., AIDS: A Moral Issue—The Ethical, Legal and Social Aspects, 2nd ed. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996); Doka, AIDS, Fear, and Society, esp. 99—114; Lawrence O. Gostin, The AIDS Pandemic: Com­placency, Injustice, and Unfulfilled Expectations (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004).

13.Engel, The Epidemic, 76-86, 189-92, 233-34, 276-78.

14.Engel, The Epidemic, 240-49, 267-75.

15. Statistics pulled from the website of www.avert.org/. However, readers should compare the 2007 statistics with those from www.unaids.org/.

16.Susan Hunter, AIDS in America (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006).

17.Statistics pulled from www.avert.org/.

18. The theory arose from an analysis of the DNA of descendents of the survivors of a plague in Eyam, England, in 1665, all of whom were found to have a genetic mutation in the chemokine receptor called “delta-32,” although it is not clear if this granted im­munity to plague. See Irwin W Sherman, The Power of Plagues (Washington, D.C.: ASM Press, 2006), 97-99.

19. Engel, The Epidemic, 160-66, 282-87; Samuel V. Duh, Blacks and AIDS: Causes and Origins (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage, 1991); Jacob Levenson, The Secret Epidemic: The Story of AIDS and Black America (New York: Pantheon Books, 2004); Dooley Worth, “Minority Women and AIDS: Culture, Race, and Gender,” in Culture and AIDS, ed. D. A. Feldman, 111-35 (New York: Praeger, 1990).

20. Engel, The Epidemic, 202-3; Jeanine M. Buzy and Helene D. Gayle, “The Epide­miology of HIV and AIDS in Women,” in Womens Experiences with HIV/AIDS: An In­ternational Perspective, ed. L. D. Long and E. M. Ankrah, 181-204 (New York: Colum­bia University Press, 1996); Hunter, AIDS in America, 69-85; Diane Richardson, “AIDS Education and Women: Sexual and Reproductive Issues,” in AIDS: Individual, Cultural and Policy Dimensions, ed. P. Aggleton, P. Davies, and G. Hart, 169-79 (Basingstoke, UK: Falmer Press, 1990).

21. Engel, The Epidemic, 147-60; Hunter, AIDS in America, 133-47; Aggleton, Da­vies, and Hart, AIDS, 133-67; Anna Alexandrova, ed., AIDS, Drugs and Society, rev. ed. (New York: International Debate Education Association, 2004).

22. Benjamin Heim Shepard, “Shifting Priorities in US AIDS Policy,” in The Global Politics of AIDS, ed. P G. Harris and P D. Siplon, 171-99 (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Ri- enner, 2007); Gostin, The AIDS Pandemic, 185.

23. The monograph was prepared in 1985 as part of the briefing series for the Amer­ican Management Association in New York.

24. Iliffe, The African AIDS Epidemic, 12.

25. Recent statistics were derived from the UNAIDS website, at www.unaids.org/. Statistics from 2003 were derived from Aberth, The First Horseman, 129.

26. This issue is extensively explored in Marc Epprecht, Heterosexual Africa? The His­tory of an Idea from the Age of Exploration to the Age of AIDS (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2008); and Neville Hoad, African Intimacies: Race, Homosexuality, and Globalization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2007). However, the argument of the hid­den African homosexual can be taken to extremes, as in William A. Rushing, The AIDS Epidemic: Social Dimensions of an Infectious Disease (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1995). The 2009 report from UNAIDS claims that “unprotected sex between men is probably a more important factor in sub-Saharan Africa's HIV epidemics than is commonly thought” and that, “although common in sub-Saharan Africa, homosexual behavior is highly stigmatized in the region.” UNAIDS, at www.unaids.org/ (accessed February 6, 2010).

27. Eileen Stillwaggon, AIDS and the Ecology of Poverty (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 133—57; Nana K. Poku, AIDS in Africa: How the Poor Are Dying (Cam­bridge, UK: Polity Press, 2005), 57—58; Joseph R. Oppong and Ezekiel Kalipeni, “Per­ceptions and Misperceptions of AIDS in Africa,” in HIV and AIDS in Africa: Beyond Epidemiology, ed. E. Kalipeni, S. Craddock, J. R. Oppong, and J. Ghosh, 47—57 (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 2004), 48—50. A complete list of the Caldwells' publications is also given in Stillwaggon's bibliography on page 234.

28. Epstein, The Invisible Cure, 49—65; Iliffe, The African AIDS Epidemic, 62—63.

29. The 2009 UNAIDS report claims that “sex work continues to play a notable role in many national epidemics” in sub-Saharan Africa and cites that sex workers accounted for 14 percent and 10 percent of all new HIV infections in Kenya and Uganda, respec­tively, in 2008. UNAIDS, at www.unaids.org/ (accessed February 6, 2010).

30. Poku, AIDS in Africa, 76; Iliffe, The African AIDS Epidemic, 11—12.

31. Iliffe, The African AIDS Epidemic, 93—94; Aberth, The First Horseman, 121; S. S. Abdool Karim and Q. Abdool Karim, eds., HIV/AIDS in South Africa (Cambridge: Cam­bridge University Press, 2005), 291.

32. Stillwaggon, AIDS and the Ecology of Poverty, 31—78; Anthony De. Harries, Nicola J. Hargreaves, and Alimuddin Zumla, “Tuberculosis and HIV Infection in Sub-Saharan Africa,” in The Return of the White Plague: Global Poverty and the “New” Tuberculosis, ed. M. Gandy and A. Zumla, 112—24 (London: Verso, 2003), 116—18.

33. Poku, AIDS in Africa, 69—123; Iliffe, The African AIDS Epidemic, 112—25; Alan Whiteside, “Poverty and HIV/AIDS in Africa,” in Global Health and Governance: HIV/AIDS, ed. N. K. Poku and A. Whiteside, 123-42 (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004).

34. Catherine Mathews, “Reducing Sexual Risk Behaviours: Theory and Research, Successes and Challenges,” in HIV/AIDS in South Africa, ed. S. S. Abdool Karim and Q. Abdool Karim, 143-65 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005); Douglas A. Feldman, Global AIDS Policy (Westport, Conn.: Bergin and Garvey, 1994). See also UNAIDS report for 2009 at www.unaids.org/.

35. Iliffe, The African AIDS Epidemic, 63—64, 127—29.

36. See, for example, Stillwaggon, AIDS and the Ecology of Poverty, 3—17.

37. Iliffe, The African AIDS Epidemic, 58.

38. Richard Chirimuuta and Rosalind Chirimuuta, AIDS, Africa, and Racism, 2nd ed. (London: Free Association Books, 1989); Margaret Cerullo and Evelynn Hammonds, “AIDS in Africa: The Western Imagination and the Dark Continent,” in AIDS: Readings on a Global Crisis, ed. E. R. Bethel, 45—54 (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1995).

39. Iliffe, The African AIDS Epidemic, 58—64; Susan Hunter,

Black Death: AIDS in Africa (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), esp. 49—146.

40. Iliffe, The African AIDS Epidemic, 10—18.

41. Iliffe, The African AIDS Epidemic, 19—32, 126—32; Maryinez Lyons, “Mobile Populations and HIV/AIDS in East Africa,” in HIV and AIDS in Africa: Beyond Epide­miology, ed. E. Kalipeni, S. Craddock, J. R. Oppong, and J. Ghosh, 175—90 (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 2004). Works with a focus on the Ugandan response to AIDS include Maj-Lis Foller and Hakan Thorn, eds., The Politics of AIDS: Globalization, the State and Civil Society (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 87—137; Amy S. Patterson, The Politics of AIDS in Africa (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 2006), 29—34; Tony Barnett and Piers Blaikie, AIDS in Africa: Its Present and Future Impact (New York: Guilford Press, 1992); Maryinez Lyons, “The Point ofView: Perspectives on AIDS in Uganda,” in AIDS in Africa and the Caribbean, ed. G. Bond, J. Kreniske, I. Susser, and J. Vincent, 131-46 (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1997).

42. Iliffe, The African AIDS Epidemic, 48-57, 137; Joseph R. Oppong and Samuel Agyei-Mensah, “HIV/AIDS in West Africa: The Case of Senegal, Ghana, and Nigeria,” in HIV and AIDS in Africa: Beyond Epidemiology, ed. E. Kalipeni, S. Craddock, J. R. Oppong, and J. Ghosh, 70-82 (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 2004).

43. For case studies of Zimbabwe and Swaziland, see Patterson, The Politics of AIDS in Africa, 44-57; Jake Batsell, “AIDS, Politics, and NGOs in Zimbabwe,” in The African State and the AIDS Crisis, ed. A. S. Patterson, 59-77 (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2005). Patterson’s conclusions about the role of political leadership in the AIDS crisis are, how­ever, rather ambivalent.

44.Good overviews of the AIDS crisis in southern Africa are available in Iliffe, The African AIDS Epidemic, 33-47; and Ezekiel Kalipeni, Susan Craddock, and Jayati Ghosh, “Mapping the AIDS Pandemic in Eastern and Southern Africa: A Critical Overview,” in HIV and AIDS in Africa: Beyond Epidemiology, ed. E. Kalipeni, S. Craddock, J. R. Op­pong, and J. Ghosh, 58-69 (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 2004).

45. Poku, AIDS in Africa, 85-123; Foller and Thorn, The Politics of AIDS, 27-70; Doka, AIDS, Fear, and Society, 120-24; Robert L. Ostergard Jr., “Politics in the Hot Zone: AIDS and National Security in Africa,” in Global Health and Governance: HIV/AIDS, ed. N. K. Poku and A. Whiteside, 143-60 (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004).

46.Works and articles that focus on the political context of the AIDS epidemic in South Africa include Didier Fassin, When Bodies Remember: Experiences and Politics of AIDS in South Africa, trans. A. Jacobs and G. Varro (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007); Nawaal Deane, “The Political History of AIDS Treatment,” in HIV/AIDS in South Africa, ed. S. S. Abdool Karim and Q. Abdool Karim, 538—47 (Cambridge: Cam­bridge University Press, 2005); Patrick Furlong and Karen Ball, “The More Things Change: AIDS and the State in South Africa, 1987—2003,” in The African State and the AIDS Crisis, ed. A. S. Patterson, 127—53 (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2005); Nicoli Nattrass, The Moral Economy of AIDS in South Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 41—65; Virginia van der Vliet, “South Africa Divided against AIDS: A Crisis of Leadership,” in AIDS and South Africa: The Social Expression of a Pandemic, ed. K. D. Kauffman and D. L. Lindauer, 48—96 (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004).

47. Aberth, The First Horseman, 131—44.

48. Iliffe, The African AIDS Epidemic, 148—54.

49. Iliffe, The African AIDS Epidemic, 142—54; Foller and Thorn, The Politics of AIDS, 177—232; Patterson, The Politics of AIDS in Africa, 95—129.

50. Pulled from the UNAIDS website, at www.unaids.org/ (accessed February 11, 2010).

51. Iliffe, The African AIDS Epidemic, 156—57; Nattrass, Moral Economy of AIDS, 132-49.

52. Donald G. McNeil Jr., “At Front Lines, AIDS War Is Falling Apart,” New York Times, May 9, 2010.

53. Works on this topic include Geoff Foster, Carol Levine, and John Williamson, eds., A Generation at Risk: The Global Impact of HIV/AIDS on Orphans and Vulnerable Children (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005); Ezekiel Kalipeni, Susan Crad­dock, Joseph R. Oppong, and Jayati Ghosh, eds., HIV and AIDS in Africa: Beyond Epi­demiology (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 2004), 89-103, 133-43, 304-15; Emma Guest, Children of AIDS: Africa’s Orphan Crisis, 2nd ed. (London: Pluto, 2003); Jeff Gow and Chris Desmond, eds., Impacts and Interventions: The HIV/AIDS Epidemic and the Chil­dren of South Africa (Pietermaritzburg, South Africa: University of Natal Press, 2002); Carolyn Baylies, Janet Bujra, et al., AIDS, Sexuality and Gender in Africa: Collective Strat­egies and Struggles in Tanzania and Zambia (London: Routledge, 2000); Long and Ank- rah, Womens Experiences with HIV/AIDS; Felissa L. Cohen and Jerry D. Durham, eds., Women, Children, and HIV/AIDS (New York: Springer, 1993).

54. Pulled from UNAIDS website, at www.unaids.org/ (accessed February 11, 2010).

55. Suzanne Leclerc-Madlala, “Global Struggles, Local Contexts: Prospects for a South­ern African AIDS Feminism,” in The Politics of AIDS: Globalization, the State and Civil Society, ed. M. Foller and H. Thorn, 141-43 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008).

56. Aberth, The First Horseman, 144-54.

57. Patricia D. Siplon and Kristin M. Novotny, “Overcoming the Contradictions: Women, Autonomy, and AIDS in Tanzania,” in The Global Politics of AIDS, ed. P. G. Harris and P. D. Siplon, 87-107 (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 2007); Anne Outwater, “The Socioeconomic Impact of AIDS on Women in Tanzania,” in Women’s Experiences with HIV/AIDS: An International Perspective, ed. L. D. Long and E. M. Ankrah, 112-22 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996); Baylies, Bujra, et al., AIDS, Sexuality and Gender in Africa.

58. Foller and Thorn, The Politics of AIDS, 139-76.

59.Stillwaggon, AIDS and the Ecology of Poverty, 90—98; Shawn Smallman, The AIDS Pandemic in Latin America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), 27—31; UNAIDS, at www.unaids.org/ (accessed February 12, 2010).

60. Chin, The AIDS Pandemic, 31—36; Engel, The Epidemic, 50—51.

61. Paul Farmer, AIDS and Accusation: Haiti and the Geography of Blame (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), esp. 125—50; Paul Farmer, “AIDS and Accusation: Haiti, Haitians, and the Geography of Blame,” in Culture and AIDS, ed. D. A. Feldman, 67-91 (New York: Praeger, 1990).

62. Farmer, AIDS and Accusation, 193—251; Smallman, The AIDS Pandemic in Latin America, 23—32.

63.Pulled from UNAIDS website, at www.unaids.org/ (accessed February 12, 2010). Earlier figures are from Farmer, AIDS and Accusation, 130—31.

64. Smallman, The AIDS Pandemic in Latin America, 25—27.

65. Smallman, The AIDS Pandemic in Latin America, 33; Shepard, “Shifting Priorities in US AIDS Policy,” 189.

66.Engel, The Epidemic, 94—95, is inclined to accept Cuban statistics at face value, but Doka, AIDS, Fear, and Society, 99, is more skeptical.

67.Smallman, The AIDS Pandemic in Latin America, 35—46; Doka, AIDS, Fear, and Society, 99.

68. Smallman, The AIDS Pandemic in Latin America, 46—66.

69. Pulled from UNAIDS website, at www.unaids.org/ (accessed February 12, 2010).

70. Smallman, The AIDS Pandemic in Latin America, 151—54.

71. Stillwaggon, AIDS and the Ecology of Poverty, 88—100.

72. Smallman, The AIDS Pandemic in Latin America, 146—57, 167—90.

73.Smallman, The AIDS Pandemic in Latin America, 67—92; Tim Frasca, AIDS in Latin America (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 187—209.

74. Smallman, The AIDS Pandemic in Latin America, 92—109; Andre de Mello e Souza, “Defying Globalization: Effective Self-Reliance in Brazil,” in The Global Politics of AIDS, ed. P G. Harris and P. D. Siplon, 37-49 (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 2007).

75.Anton A. Van Niekerk and Loretta M. Kopelman, eds., Ethics and AIDS in Africa: The Challenge to Our Thinking (Walnut Creek, Calif.: Left Coast Press, 2006), 111-40; Nana K. Poku and Alan Whiteside, eds., Global Health and Governance: HIV/AIDS (Bas­ingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 27-41, 61-74.

76.Mello e Souza, “Defying Globalization,” 49-63; Smallman, The AIDS Pandemic in Latin America, 109-12.

77.According to the UNAIDS report, as of 2008, Mexico is one of the few countries in the region to have prevention programs that focus on the high-risk groups of com­mercial sex workers, men who have sex with men, and drug users. Pulled from www. unaids.org/ (accessed February 14, 2010).

78. Smallman, The AIDS Pandemic in Latin America, 117-46; Frasca, AIDS in Latin America, 71-99.

79.Marika Vicziany, “The Political Economy of HIV/AIDS in India,” in The Global Politics of AIDS, ed. P. G. Harris and P. D. Siplon, 109-36 (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 2007), 129; Susan Hunter, AIDS in Asia: A Continent in Peril (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 9—10.

80. Pulled from UNAIDS website, at www.unaids.org/ (accessed February 14, 2010).

81. Chris Lyttleton, “AIDS and Civil Belonging: Disease Management and Political Change in Thailand and Laos,” in The Politics of Aids: Globalization, the State and Civil Society, ed. M. Foller and H. Thorn, 255—73 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008); Engel, The Epidemic, 256—64.

82. Pulled from UNAIDS website, at www.unaids.org/ (accessed February 15, 2010).

83.David Wilson and Mariam Claeson, “Dynamics of the HIV Epidemic in South Asia,” in HIV and AIDS in South Asia: An Economic Development Risk, ed. M. Haacker and M. Claeson, 3—40 (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 2009), 14—22, 27—32; Vicziany, “The Political Economy of HIV/AIDS in India,” 109—36.

84. Pulled from UNAIDS website, at www.unaids.org/ (accessed February 15, 2010).

85. Susanne Y. P Choi and Roman David, “Law Enforcement, Public Health, and HIV/AIDS in China,” in The Global Politics of AIDS, ed. P G. Harris and P D. Siplon, 137-54 (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 2007); Neil Renwick, “The ‘Nameless Fever': The HIV/AIDS Pandemic and China's Women,” in Global Health and Governance: HIV/ AIDS, ed. N. K. Poku and A. Whiteside, 187-203 (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Mac­millan, 2004).

86. Pulled from UNAIDS website, at www.unaids.org/ (accessed February 15, 2010).

87. Stillwaggon, AIDS and the Ecology of Poverty, 105-29; Olusoji Adeyi, ed., Averting AIDS Crises in Eastern Europe and Central Asia: A Regional Support Strategy (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 2003), 15-35; Joana Godinho et al., Reversing the Tide: Priorities for HIV/AIDS Prevention in Central Asia (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 2005), 11-38.

88. Pulled from UNAIDS website, at www.unaids.org/ (accessed February 15, 2010).

89. Carol Jenkins and David A. Robalino, HIV/AIDS in the Middle East and North Africa: The Costs of Inaction (Washington D.C.: World Bank, 2003), 25-36.

90. Pulled from UNAIDS website, at www.unaids.org/ (accessed February 15, 2010).

91. Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics, 432; Doka, AIDS, Fear, and Society, 3-58.

92. Susan Sontag, AIDS and Its Metaphors (New York: Picador/Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1989); Susan Sontag, Illness as Metaphor (New York: Picador/Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1977).

93. Allan M. Brandt, “AIDS and Metaphor: Toward the Social Meaning of Epidemic Disease,” in In Time of Plague: The History and Social Consequences of Lethal Epidemic Disease, ed. A. Mack, 91-110 (New York: New York University Press, 1991), 92-96.

Conclusion

1. Laurie Garrett, The Coming Plague: Newly Emerging Diseases in a World Out of Balance (Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin, 1994), 620.

2. Richard Preston, The Hot Zone (New York: Random House, 1994), 287-88.

3. Montira J. Pongsiri et al., “Biodiversity Loss Affects Global Disease Ecology,” BioScience 59 (2009): 945-54.

4. Tom Quinn, Flu: A Social History of Influenza (London: New Holland Publishers, 2008), 173-77, 191.

5. These ideas will be more fUlly expounded upon in the forthcoming volume by Ron Barrett and George Armelagos, An Unnatural History of Emerging Infections, to be published by Rowman & Littlefield.

6. William H. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples, updated ed. (New York: Anchor Books, 1998), 23-32, 293-95.

7. Dorothy H. Crawford, Deadly Companions: How Microbes Shaped Our History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 186.

8. Arno Karlen, in Man and Microbes: Disease and Plagues in History and Modern Times (New York: Putnam, 1995), 1—11, 215—30, also expresses a “cautious optimism” with regard to humankind’s future history with disease.

9. Crawford, Deadly Companions, 212.

10. For instance, as I write today (February 20, 2010), the U.S. Justice Department has announced it is officially closing its case on the 2001 anthrax bioterrorism scare, which killed five people in the United States; evidence produced by the FBI suggests the incident was in fact a domestic one, perpetrated by an army microbiologist, Bruce Ivins, who later committed suicide.

11. See Susan Sontag’s AIDS and Its Metaphors (New York: Picador/Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1989), 93-183.

12. Eileen Stillwaggon, AIDS and the Ecology of Poverty (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006).

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Source: Aberth John. Plagues in World History. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,2011. — 257 p.. 2011

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