Power and Violence
Arendt did not, of course, scapegoat African events for Europe's violence, and she cannot be faulted with teleology. Origins consists precisely of arguments that correspond to the perplexing course of a true boomeranglike violence with its strange turns and multiple pathways, along with its contingencies and its ruptures.
In this final section, I briefly highlight one of these, what might be called a hyperbolic notion of power that Arendt identifies in imperial ideologies. This does not respond to all concerns that emerge from Arendt's work on imperialism - notably it does not solve the problems posed by African historiography - but it highlights the ways of rethinking violence that I previously pointed to, including the need to properly historicise and theorise the violence of Africa's conquest. The section of Origins that interests me opens with a comment made by Cecil Rhodes that Arendt cites as an epigraph: ‘I would annex the planets if I could.'[446] Rhodes's hubristic astro-imperialism nicely frames Arendt's study of a truly imperial conception of power, as something inherently limitless and unbounded, and she presents the strange path by which it intersects physical violence. Normally separate politico-discursive fields and the ways that they interact with each other in a larger field of power are important to parsing this argument. Rather than locating violence in semi- autonomous, inward-looking fields, like Hull's study of the development of extremism within the German military's planning, Arendt focused her attention on how fields overflow their particular spheres, even ‘colonising' neighbouring fields with their values, assumptions, protocols and concepts. It is precisely such a transposition from one field to another, Arendt argues, that informs Rhodes's bizarre comment, namely how economic logic became political principle, resulting in the lawless and violent process of global expansion that was imperialism.Like several generations of scholars, Arendt follows J. A. Hobson's Imperialism: A Study (1902) towards the links uniting imperialism and capitalism.[447] Unlike Hobson's Marxist readers, however, she does not see the state as the simple instrument of capitalists, even if she accepts the view that the state did capitalism's bidding. The originality of her argument in comparison to Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg and their own readings of imperialism comes from the fact that Arendt maintains clear distinctions ‘between capitalism as an economic system, the bourgeoisie as a social class, and the nation state as a political formation', as philosopher Seyla Benhabib writes.[448] Moreover, Arendt historicises these distinctions, pointing to a sort of division of labour that existed prior to the imperial era, when, for example, the bourgeoisie and capitalism recognised a separate sphere for the state.[449] This changed in the imperial era when the boundaries that separated these institutions and their distinct norms collapsed. In this sense, whereas Lenin saw imperialism as the last stage of capitalism, Arendt saw it as the first stage in the political triumph of the bourgeoisie.
This triumph was marked by economic concepts and ideals making their way into the sphere of political philosophy and transforming the norms of the liberal (or liberalising) state. The never-ending economic accumulation sought by capitalism transformed itself into a never-ending accumulation of power.
Expansion as a permanent and supreme aim of politics is the central political idea of imperialism. Since it implies neither temporary looting nor the more lasting assimilation of conquest, it is an entirely new concept in the long history of political thought and action. The reason for this surprising originality - surprising because entirely new concepts are very rare in politics - is simply that this concept is not really political at all, but has its origin in the realm of business speculation, where expansion meant the permanent broadening of industrial production and economic transactions characteristic of the nineteenth century.50
So rather than a break in the civilising process caused by soiling one's hands in overseas conquest, Arendt points to this transposition which changed the political field, and with it the foundations of the state.
The ‘unlimited accumulation of capital' transforms itself into the ‘aimless accumulation of power' at the level of the state.[450] This resulted in bounded nation states becoming rogue imperial juggernauts, with politics, like the capitalist economy, conceived not nationally but globally.[451] The broad spectrum of norms and political values that animated liberalism - human rights (or ‘the rights to have rights'), rule of law and consent of the governed are cited by Arendt - narrowed to the pursuit of profit and power.53
More on the topic Power and Violence:
- The Yogi's Way of War
- Conclusions
- Buddhist Violence in Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Bhutan and Tibet
- TRANSFORMATION OF TRADITIONAL AFRICAN POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS
- DIRECT INVOLVEMENT IN PEACE PROCESSES: THE CARTER CENTER
- Introduction
- Constitutional Context
- CONCLUSION
- Algeria
- Protecting the Dynasty