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The Contradictions of Mass Violence

The Khmer Rouge wanted to create a state funded by rice exports, a policy that justified the pursuit of an ever-expanding agricultural surplus for export. To increase overall production, they sought to increase the area under cultivation, increase the overall productivity of agriculture, and limit domes­tic rice consumption.

To increase the cultivated area, labour was required to build paddy and irrigation works, and cultivate new fields. This work was supplied in the form of forced labour. The plan to increase productivity involved the domestic production or importation of agricultural tools, ferti­lisers, pesticides and herbicides. To produce these agricultural inputs domes­tically entailed additional forced labour, while importation depended once again on the rice surplus (and, by extension, forced labour). Finally, to reduce domestic rice consumption, the Khmer Rouge imposed a regulating system on the workforce. In these ways, the new political economy of Democratic Kampuchea placed the majority of the population between the teeth of two powerful forces: a demand for surplus rice and agricultural inputs that justified severe labour policies, and an austere rationing system that subjected men, women and children to starvation wages.

These economic structures of violence contributed most especially to the direct violence that permeated Democratic Kampuchea. The fragility of CPK rule upon victory contributed on the one hand to the development of a massive security apparatus designed to seek out and ‘smash' perceived external and internal enemies. First, former soldiers and officials of the

Structural Violence during the Cambodian Genocide previous governmental regime were to be identified, arrested and, often, killed. Likewise, Vietnamese soldiers and ‘spies' were to be eliminated. Second, many high-ranking officials of the CPK cautioned against the presence of ‘internal' enemies, such as traitors and saboteurs.

‘New' people by definition were immediately suspect; more pernicious, however, were perceived traitors among the ranks of the Khmer Rouge: disloyal soldiers, traitorous officials, and those cadres harbouring ‘revisionist' or ‘bourgeois' tendencies.[922]

On the other hand, it was the hurried implementation and resulting inefficiency of economic policies that led to widespread paranoia among the highest echelons of the CPK. Surviving CPK documents describe people being arrested for ‘stealing' food or merely complaining about insufficient rations. Such punishment was not confined to the masses: CPK leaders also purged local officials who admitted that starvation was occurring in their areas. As the food crisis increased, the CPK accused traitorous and inept low-level cadres of undermining the food production system.[923] Thus, beginning in 1976, and intensifying throughout 1977, Pol Pot and his close associates initiated a series of purges against suspected traitors and reactionary elements within the Party. High-ranking cadres were arrested, detained and executed. Prior to their death, they were tortured and forced to confess their knowledge of and involvement in traitorous activities and to divulge names of other men and women. These ‘strings of traitors' would subsequently lead to more and more purges. In time, entire divisions and work groups would be arrested and executed en masse.[924]

In short, the deaths from exposure, starvation and disease during the Cambodian genocide were not unintended side effects of poor research,

poor planning or poor implementation, but rather the necessary and dialectic consequence of the CPK’s distinct imperative to increase surplus. Without the threat of direct violence, the policies of rationing and surplus could not have been enforced. Without the policies of rationing and surplus, neither the material nor the discursive basis for direct violence could have been realised. Consequently, structures of violence worked dialectically with direct forms of violence to account for the massive death toll associated with the Cambodian genocide.

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Source: Edwards Louise, Penn Nigel, Winter Jay (eds.). The Cambridge World History of Violence. Volume 4: 1800 to the Present. Cambridge University Press,2020. — 676 p.. 2020

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