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Torture

Stereotypical characterisations of ‘medieval torture' misdate the peak of judicial violence in Europe. Torture had been a regular investigative techni­que in classical Rome, but the practise of it gradually waned after the fall of the empire in the West.

In Carolingian Europe, Roman law was supplanted by Germanic customs of conflict resolution that compensated the victim rather than punished the criminal. Around 1100 most judges functioned as mediators who resolved disputes about personal injury rather than as guar­antors of abstract legal principles. These traditions lasted many centuries in some jurisdictions. In late medieval Scotland, Germany and Italy homicide among elites continued to be resolved through exile, payments to the victim's family, confiscation of property and charters aimed at ending feuds. Even during the early modern period, most crimes were punished with fines or banishment, and most violent sentences were reserved for the socially marginal. Only in the prosecution of exceptional crimes against the natural and divine order, such as treason, aggravated murder, major theft, certain moral offences and heresy (including witchcraft), do we see a shift to torture and execution.

During the early medieval period, it is true that both secular and eccle­siastical judges sometimes subjected defendants to the judicial ordeal, a ritual by which the innocence or guilt of the defendant was evaluated during a painful test involving water or fire. Divine intervention was thought to determine the result. But the ordeal was an exceptional procedure and, as early as 1215, was outlawed by the Catholic Church. Although judicial combat continued to survive for some time, its authority was gradually undermined by the self-conscious reintegration of Roman law into criminal procedure and the training of lawyers at universities, in Italy and France and later elsewhere.

Roman law usually favoured the reasoned search for truth over divine intervention or social reconciliation: investigation of a crime involved the collection of written testimony from witnesses and the defendant in order to establish whether a crime had actually been committed. The development of medieval legal theory eventually led to the return of torture as a regular tool for proving that accused criminals had committed serious crimes. Following Roman tradition, during the twelfth century only recidivists or individuals of ill repute were considered appropriate candidates for torture. But soon enough few categories of individuals were entirely exempt.

Although the return of Roman law in Europe justified torturing suspects, it is simplistic to associate only the Roman tradition with judicial violence. Roman law also allowed for conflicts to be resolved by financial compensa­tion and encouraged judges to mitigate sentences: children and pregnant women were exempt from torture and women in general were held less responsible for their actions due to their perceived weakness of intellect and judgement. Only recidivists with proven criminal intent were subjected to the full impact of the law in Europe. In England, where Roman law had little impact on the common law tradition after the thirteenth century and judicial torture was never made legal, final sentences were more uniform and no less violent than on the Continent. Despite differing legal traditions and proce­dures, judicial violence in England also peaked during the sixteenth century and declined after 1630.

The church was at the forefront of legal developments in the twelfth century, and fear of heresy soon encouraged it to fertilise canon law with the Code of Justinian. By the mid thirteenth century the papacy had appointed Dominican and Franciscan monks as inquisitors to search out individuals who believed false doctrines and, if possible, to reform their views and return them to orthodoxy. At first, the use of interrogative torture in order to determine innocence or guilt was discouraged, but legal theory that equated heresy with the Roman crime of treason reconciled the papacy to the practice.

A papal bull in 1252 instructed the inquisitor to ‘force all the heretics whom he has in custody, provided he does so without killing them or breaking their arms or legs... to confess their errors and accuse other heretics whom they know’.[636] Individuals who refused to recant their ‘false' beliefs could face severe punishment, including long punitive prison sen­tences or execution.

Inquisitions, which began as temporary judicial mandates, sometimes evolved into long-standing institutions: for example, in Spain, Ferdinand and Isabella approved the establishment of a permanent inquisition in 1478 under the authority of the Pope. The Spanish Inquisition became renowned for large-scale public rituals of penitence, or autos-da-fe, during which hundreds of convicted heretics did penance or were released to secular authorities to be flogged or burned at the stake. Paintings and printed descriptions of these spectacular rituals served as propaganda, demonstrating the church's determination to stamp out religious deviance. The will to violence was fuelled by a conviction that God mandated the elimination of heresy and that the means to do so, inquisitorial procedure including torture, was an effective means of establishing the truth.

Secular jurisdictions followed suit. Between 1200 and 1400 local criminal law statutes increasingly authorised torture when investigating serious crimes and defined some crimes as punishable by execution. Italian cities were early adopters of torture, though often at first citizens were exempt. North of the Alps, local statutes and court records also document the use of judicial torture to test the innocence of some accused criminals: Flanders in 1294; Vienna in 1277; Lausanne in 1368. In France, torture was first authorised in 1254, though its practise at the Parlement of Paris, the largest appeals court in the country, remained rare until the end of the fifteenth century.

By the sixteenth century most European states employed torture during interrogation sessions to determine whether or not a suspect was guilty and executed a minority of convicted criminals in notoriously painful ways - burning at the stake, breaking on the wheel, drawing and quartering, and drowning - in addition to the more common practices of hanging and beheading. In an attempt to regulate judicial procedure throughout the Holy Roman Empire, Charles V in 1532 promulgated the Carolina, a legal statute that mandated suspects could be tortured only once unless new evidence came to light.

Both the Carolina and analogous French legislation (1498, 1539) sought to standardise and limit the practice of torture. Yet these statutes also normalised its use and affirmed that judicial violence was an effective means to represent the power of the state to its subjects. In sixteenth-century Germany, woodcuts depicting prolonged and painful executions spread awareness of judicial violence very broadly among the urban population.

Torture usually took place during the investigative portion of the trial, before sentencing, in order to determine whether or not the defendant had committed a crime. Bounded by legal statutes shaped by Roman tradition, its practice was broadly consistent across western and central Europe. European investigative magistrates only arrested suspects after they had conducted a public inquiry into a crime, amassed considerable witness testimony as well as circumstantial evidence, and identified a possible culprit. Soon after arrest, without the benefit of a defence lawyer and often without knowing the charges being brought against them, defendants were interrogated in the hopes that they would spontaneously admit that they had committed the crime under investigation. Many defendants accused of minor crimes did confess quite readily; as a result, they were not tortured and their cases were decided quickly. Defendants accused of serious crimes, however, tended to be more circumspect. This unwillingness to admit guilt posed a legal problem for magistrates. According to medieval legal theory, a full proof of a crime could only be established if the defendant confessed or if two reliable eye­witnesses testified to his guilt. Although they were willing to impose lesser sentences such as banishment without a full proof, few judges before 1650 were willing to execute defendants without it. Common torture procedures included the strappado, raising the defendant on a pulley with his hands tied behind his back, and the rack, which involved the painful extension and compression of the limbs.

In the interests of consistency, innovation in torture techniques was not encouraged and, in principle, the objective was to inflict extreme short-term pain but to avoid causing lasting damage.

It is difficult to ascertain how often and how intensively torture was practised, in part because it was such a standard procedure that it was not always mentioned in the final sentence of a trial, often the only surviving documentation. Nevertheless, evidence from a handful of courts in Florence, Paris, Bordeaux and Geneva suggest that approximately 5 to 20 per cent of all defendants were subjected to torture during the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.[637] In France, most defendants at the Parlements, the sovereign courts of appeal, were tortured only once, as mandated by French law, but in Geneva, in line with German practice, many accused criminals were subjected to multiple sessions. Torture in early modern Europe is most commonly associated with witch hunting, and it is true that many of the approximately 30-50,000 individuals who were convicted and executed for the crime of witchcraft were tortured, often repeatedly. In some commu­nities, witchcraft, a form of heresy, was considered to be an exceptional crime and, as a result, suspects, most of them women, were tortured more intensively than were other defendants. Nevertheless, many jurisdictions did not experience witch crazes. Instead, it was men accused of aggravated murder, treason, and, most importantly, theft who made up the vast majority of suspects tortured during the early modern period.

Judges were well aware that torture could produce false confessions. In 1580, when French essayist and judge Michel de Montaigne observed that torture ‘was more a test of patience than of truth; and those who can bear it hide the truth, and those who cannot suffer', he was only articulating a view that was widely shared by his fellow magistrates.[638] Concerns that some individuals were hardened against the pain of torture and that some inquisitors were abusive were long-standing.

As a result, a number of procedural safeguards drawn from Roman law were practised to minimise false confessions. Defendants were to be tortured only if considerable evidence, constituting a half proof, was gathered against them, they were accused of a capital crime and they consistently refused to confess. First, they were taken to the torture chamber and threatened with pain; autho­rities preferred for defendants to confess ‘freely'. If they continued to resist, they were tortured, but a valid confession did not consist of ‘yes, I did it'; instead, a confession of guilt was admissible only if defendants produced detailed information consistent with other testimony gathered in the case. When Bernardino Pedroso was accused in 1559 of abducting and deflower­ing a teenage Roman girl, at first he emphatically denied the charge. But the girl in question, Ottavia di Rosignoli, insisted that they had slept together and admitted that she had been willing. In order to determine the truth, Bernardino was raised on the strappado and, in the end, admitted to having ‘put a little of my member inside' Ottavia.[639] If defendants did confess under torture, their testimony had to be confirmed again in an interview con­ducted twenty-four hours later - procedures followed in Bernardino's trial and many others. Nevertheless, defendants often found themselves in a double bind: a confession of guilt recanted the next day was often considered ‘new' evidence in the case and could justify further torture sessions. Although legal statutes in France and some parts of Germany limited the application of torture to a single session, during the sixteenth century it was not uncommon to violate this principle by extending a single ‘session' over several days.

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Source: Antony Robert, Carroll Stuart, Pennock Caroline D. (eds.). The Cambridge World History of Violence. Volume 3: AD 1500-AD 1800. Cambridge University Press,2020. — 710 p.. 2020

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