Violence and Warfare in Egyptian Literature
The earliest literary descriptions of military activity appear in autobiographical inscriptions in non-royal tombs of the late Old Kingdom, with royal self-presentation all but absent prior to the reign of Monthuhotep II (c.
2061-2010 bce) at the dawn of the Middle Kingdom (late Eleventh Dynasty). The advent of fictional literature in the Twelfth Dynasty expanded the possible genres in which the ancient Egyptians could expostulate upon warfare and violence, although in the extant corpus from the Middle Kingdom those two themes appear only rarely. In the Story of Sinuhe the protagonist, who has fled from Egypt into Syria- Palestine after overhearing news of the death (and possible assassination) of Amenemhat I, engages in single combat with the ‘hero of Retjenu', a designation that alludes to formulae employed in execration rituals.[392] The duel between Sinuhe and the hero of Retjenu, vividly described in near royal terms, is a prearranged event. The man of Retjenu attacks Sinuhe in the Egyptian's own encampment; Sinuhe's victory - the triumph of Egyptian archery over the javelins and close combat weapons of his foe - enables the Egyptian to carry out the very actions his foreign opponent had threatened to enact (after piercing the neck of the Syrian with an arrow, Sinuhe leaps upon his dying foe and delivers the mortal blow with his attacker's own battle-axe). In contrast to the single combat between Sinuhe and the hero of Retjenu, which appears mimetic by comparison, the Instruction of Merikare employs the topos of the Asiatic forever in a state of combat, neither able to conquer nor be conquered, and who does not - thief-like - announce the day of fighting.Another textual genre that develops during the early Middle Kingdom and sees its full development in the New Kingdom is that of the ‘royal novel'.[393] The term refers to a historical text centred on the person of the king, usually involving military activity, in which the king must respond to foreign aggression, often associated with consultation of a council.
Inevitably the ruler rages against an act of foreign aggression - failure to acknowledge Egypt and to respect her borders are inherently hostile actions, even before any forces joining battle - and orders a response. Within the template of theThe Ritualisation of Military Violence in Ancient Egypt genre, some variation is possible, suggesting how actual events may be worked to fit within an established but somewhat malleable prototype. In at least one instance (the Nubian war of Sety I), the king's order is to await the development of the enemy plans; in another (the Megiddo campaign of Thutmosis III), an impetuous royal suggestion for a swift attack is countered by an ultimately honoured request to delay the onslaught so as not to leave the rearguard of the army in a potentially dangerous situation. The royal novel genre displays an Egyptian penchant for presenting and interpreting events within ideologically informed templates, consistent with their view of the duality of time, a linear form progressing within and reinforcing the cosmic relevance of cyclical time, in which unique and personal events echo and foreshadow the repetitions of order triumphant. It is probably a literary reflection of what we see in the Early Dynastic (and possibly Predynastic) period in which festivals occur in conjunction with historical events, and at times involving actors within those very events.
With harbingers in the semi-fictionalised frame story of the earlier royal novel, a new literary tradition emerges during the New Kingdom (particularly the Ramesside period), and an innovative genre - historical fiction - develops, which focuses almost exclusively on conflict and combat. Even in the small corpus of historical fiction - only four tales are partially extant - the level of violence within the narrative varies dramatically, from taunting letter-writing to a siege that results in no casualties (Egyptian or foreign) to fictional portrayals of battles.
The surviving iconographic and textual evidence from ancient Egypt reveals an essential equation of warfare and hunting as parallel and necessarily repeated means of ensuring and demonstrating the triumph of order over chaos.
Both texts and scenes emphasise the successful outcome of this eternal conflict, often obscuring historical detail and all but eliminating details of the bloody reality of military conflict. As the Egyptian ruler was both the chief administrator and supreme priest, the image of the ruler and the icon of the king smiting his bound and helpless enemies loom large. While public execution may have occurred at least on occasions, the Egyptian representation of warfare veils the details of the shock of combat and the gruesome results thereof behind the image of a recurring triumph of order over chaotic forces. This template of maat-order appears also to allow even traditional enemies to enter Egyptian society after acknowledging the supremacy of Egypt, enabling the Egyptians to avoid - at least until late in pharaonic civilisation - the complete demonisation of foreigners and military opponents.