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Conclusion

This chapter brings into focus the way the Kurichiyan are managing to handle the mani­fold forces responsible for bringing changes in the domains of religious faith and practices.

These are clearly visible in the changes in traditional spheres of joint family system, joint ownership of property, and matrilineal form of inheritance. Some of these changes are

intentional in the sense that they accepted these changes to adapt the transforming social and biological environment. The large-scale unplanned immigration, introduction of wrong and non-eco-friendly agricultural practices, large scale deforestation, labour migration, and political interferences forced them to change and adapt to alternative models which they are trying to institutionalise. In the case of the Kurichiyan, it is significant to note that the process of institutionalisation can be better interpreted in a multi-paradigmatic perspec­tive. Here, the functionaries of the social system especially the religious functionaries act as mediators through which new elements are identified, included, and taken forward for the process of establishing institutionally. The external and internal accomplishments get legiti­mised over time through the process of reciprocities inside the social system which slowly support institutionalisation of at least some of the traditions. In the case of the Kurichiyan, joint family and joint ownership of property are some of the symbols of their identity. With the disintegration of joint family, the joint property system was also subjected to change leading to changes in traditional customary practices associated with it. It is understood that many of the rites and rituals are also replaced with the Hindu religious practices and some are in the way of transformation to become institutionalised as per its suitability to cope with the social system.

It is a fact that Hindu temples, religious rituals, worship pat­terns and Hindu celebrations changed the mind set of the majority of Kurichiyan families. The way Hinduism was institutionalised reveals how Hinduised models and norms were executed consciously or in camouflaged ways. Those who were excommunicated from the system due to various reasons adopted Christianity with the influence of Christian mission­aries of different denominations. All these show the way the Kurichiyan negotiate with the emerging wider socio-political realities of life.

Notes

1 There are five Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups in the State viz. Kattunaickan, Cholanaickan, Kurumbar, Kadar and Koragar settled in the Wayanad, Nilambur, Thrissur, Kasaragod, Kozhikode and Palakkad districts respectively (Govt. of Kerala 2017).

2 In Malayalam language, thaen means honey.

3 Nayars (also spelt Nair) are a matrilineal community, who once constituted a large section of the landowning class in Kerala. They lived in matrilineal joint families composed of people related to each other in the female line. As a matrilineal society, the identity of the Nayars is attached to the matrilineages and joint residences.

4 The Thiyyan is another matrilineal community in Kerala whose traditional occupation was toddy tapping.

5 The Paniyan is one of the Scheduled Tribes in Kerala distributed in the Wayanad, Kozhikode, and Kannur districts. They were bonded labourers and now they are engaged as wage labourers under other tribes and non-tribal communities in the area.

6 Fuller (1976) interprets the word tarawad as that segment of a descent group which constituted the matrilineal joint family, and whose members owned property collectively and lived together in one house. Tarawad composed of several matrilineages and joint residences.

7 Rukbo wrote, “Tradition means the way of living of a society practicing its socio-religious culture, economic life, the way of preserving history, literature and all others norms of social life inherited from time immemorial which may be called social character and identity” (Rukbo 2005:33).

8 Malakkari is considered superior to all gods and goddesses worshipped by the Kurichiyan. One of the legends about Malakkari highlighted that it is he who stopped the sacrifices of animals to various gods.

9 Namboothiri Brahmans are a patrilineal (except Payyannur Brahmans because they are matrilin­eal) caste of Kerala engaged as priests in the temples of Kerala.

10 In Wayanad the predominant number of Hindu families is distributed throughout the district and the tribes, including the Kurichiyan, have close interactions with them. However, the Kurichiyan maintained untouchability with the Hindus except Brahmans and Nayars. Number of Jain fami­lies were also settled in Wayanad, but when compared to the Hindus their population is compara­tively less.

11 A number of Jain families were also settled in Wayanad but when compared to Hindus their popu­lation is comparatively less. As a religion, Jainism distinguishes the law of Karma and advocates in the theory of rebirth and movement of the soul. They believe in ahimsa (non-violence) and do not kill animals. This has a profound influence in stopping animal sacrifice practised by many com­munities in Wayanad including the Kurichiyan.

12 The main temple of Lord Muthappan is situated in Kannur, a district adjacent to the Wayanad plains. Muthappan is associated with the local beverage toddy and during religious rituals the lord is given toddy as offerings.

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Source: Behera Maguni C. (ed.). The Routledge Handbook of Contemporary Readings on Tribe and Religions in India: Emerging Negotiations. Routledge,2024. — 502 p.. 2024

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