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Revelations, Gods, and the Moral Order

Generally, the supreme god in the tribal pantheon resembles a deistic god that rarely inter­feres in the daily affairs of humans; rather it is the multitude of spirits, mostly capricious, that are the focus of tribal religious beliefs and practices.

In fact, mystical experiences form an important part of tribal religion: the belief in various types of spirits enable magical practices like necromancy and divination, and other forms of mystical experiences. Dreams and divinations play an important role in the selection of sacred specialists and commu­nication with supernatural beings and ancestors. For instance, the selection of a religious headman pahan among the Oraon and Munda is done through divination with a win­nowing basket; while the election of a priest naek (naik) among the Santals is done by the spirits, where the spirits take the possession of a new naek on the demise of the naek. The religious specialists in tribal societies are found as priests, diviners, mediums, soothsayers, and healers; the primary function of these religious specialists is communicating with the supernatural beings or entities that set them apart from the common people, but the com­munication of religious specialists with supernatural beings is narrow in scope and confined to everyday life of the community.

Most revitalisation movements in tribal societies have emerged against the backdrop of exploitation, deprivation, and general dissatisfaction with the old order; besides, the tribes’ cognisance of the limitations of the old belief system or worldview comes close on the heels of culture contact with the advanced societies. Researches on tribal societies strongly sug­gest that British colonialism with its new policies and expansion of the state machineries accelerated the cultural contact between tribes and non-tribes. In this context, most impor­tant tribal movements have taken place during the colonial period; and more importantly, the religious revival among tribes has been influenced by the religion of dominant com­munities.

As I have mentioned, the traditional practice of divine communication in tribal religion was limited to everyday life since the dimension of the dominant ‘other’ did not factor in the ‘mazeway’, but in order to address the crisis from without the believing com­munity have to reinterpret the moral order, view the gods as moral and conscious beings interested in the sorry state of human affairs, and make provisions within the old belief system for a new revelation akin to the world religions. Thus, revitalisation movements in tribal societies involve a novel reinterpretation of a supernatural being and the creation of a new moral community.

The ethnographic studies of tribal communities support an important proposition in religious study, that not all supernatural beings are conscious and morally-concerned beings (Tylor 1958:446) and Benedict 1938:633). In the context of Indian society, religion as a source of moral imperatives has existed only in major religions like Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity, and Islam; this does not imply that tribal communities lack moral impera­tives, but noticeably morality in tribal societies (adultery, homicide and theft) are largely understood within customary and judiciary imperative (Chophy 2019b). Mary Douglas in this context has argued that “there are primitives who can be religious without being moral and moral without being religious” (Douglas 1975:77). Noticing an absence of cor­relation between religion and moral order among the ‘primitive’ groups in India, Spencer wrote that “At the present time in India, we have freebooters like the Domras, among whom a successful theft is always celebrated by a sacrifice to their chief god Gandak” (Spencer 1896:808-809). The epistemology of a moral god is closely linked with the idea of justice, fairness, and emancipation; thus, the revitalisation movements in tribal societies involve a reinvention or reinterpretation of the image of a supernatural being.

In tribal societies, the new religious movements have involved a varying degree of repu­diation of the nature of old gods or spirits that are deemed unmoral if not immoral.

For a movement to be successful, a reorientation of a belief in supernatural beings has been crucial, notwithstanding the ongoing social crisis ripe for the taking. For instance, in a popular movement led by Jadonang, a Rongmei Naga mystic, the millenarian leader rein­terpreted the nature of the creator god Tingkao Ragwang emphasising the qualities “such as omnipotence, omniscience, benevolence, justice, truth and kindness, and proclaiming that he was the most important spiritual energy or force that permeates the whole world” (Thomas 2012:412-413). In the Tana Bhagat movement started by Jatra Bhagat, the revela­tory claimed a revelation from the supreme god Dharmesh that “the Oraon should adore the supreme god alone through ‘bhakti’ or devotion and that they should abandon com­pletely ‘matiao’ (ghost finding), the worship of ‘bhuts’ or minor spirits and do away with animal sacrifice” (Kumar 2008:723).

Besides, the tribal movements originating with a religious innovator have mostly required new moral imperatives for the followers. The followers of the Rajmohini Devi movement among the Gonds in Madhya Pradesh were asked to give up drinking traditional liquor and abstain from eating non-vegetarian food, and to venerate the cow (Ekka 1982); in Jadonang’s religious reform, the followers called Kamphais were told to give up superstitious customs and practices, and meaningless sacrifices to the spirits (Yonuo 1982); while among the Tana Bhagat, they were on ‘God’s command’ asked to “lead an ascetic life, abstain from meat, liquor, tribal dance and songs and showy ornaments” (Kumar 2008:723).

The most potent and successful tribal movements in India have either been religious ones or divine revelation has provided a basis even when the movements are largely political in nature. In some nativistic movements, the community projects a utopian past, and there­fore the objective of the movement is to bring back the past glory (Bower 1950 and Yonuo 1982); but even in such a case the community set their house in order by giving up many ‘unwholesome’ beliefs and practices from the traditional culture and start behaving as a new moral community to bring back the past glory. Here, the old gods get a makeover to make new revelations and supernatural interventions possible, while the various spirits in the old pantheon are discarded or get demoted to a position of lesser beings having no role in the new belief system. The ontology of supernatural beings or gods in tribal religion has a huge implication on the nature of revelations; as ethnographic studies show the religious innovators in tribal communities have had to reinterpret the nature of god(s) and reinvent the idea of revelation to lead successful religious movements. Revamping the image of tra­ditional gods and restructuring the moral order remain key elements in most revitalisation movements in tribal societies.

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Source: Behera Maguni C. (ed.). The Routledge Handbook of Contemporary Readings on Tribe and Religions in India: Emerging Negotiations. Routledge,2024. — 502 p.. 2024

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  2. Locating Revelations Within a Broad Conceptual Framework
  3. The Oraon and Dandakatta
  4. Al-Maturidfs Theological Commitments[110]
  5. Linguistic Assessment of Legal Normativity
  6. Conclusions
  7. The Legal Assessment of Acts
  8. Religious Questions and Challenges
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