Summary

The efforts to reinterpret the events of the Second World War in order to create heroes out of “villains” and to reexamine former heroes accordingly are incomplete. Many of the versions of the past are unclear and subjected frequently to new interpretations.

Moreover, the war years are the most difficult in terms of historical memory because new narratives often coincide and clash with the results of new archival research. To date, despite a plethora of articles that seek to reshape the image of the OUN and the UPA, the impact of Soviet propaganda has still not been entirely eradicated. It remains problematic to convince a reading public that of the two major warring powers, Hitler’s Germany and the Soviet Union, the Ukrainian nationalists opted for the former as the lesser of two evils. Whether or not such a perception—that the USSR under Stalin constituted a worse threat to Ukraine than the German occupiers—may be accurate or not, such judgment has not received widespread acceptance outside Ukraine and in many areas within it. Since the Red Army was bearing the brunt of the war against Hitler’s troops, a complete reassessment of the Soviet campaign seems unlikely. The Western allies could only express gratitude to the USSR, despite the obduracy of Stalin at summit meetings in Tehran and Yalta, and his suspicion of Allied motives throughout the war. Some Ukrainian sources suggest that lives were wasted by Stalin, or that Ukrainian soldiers were sent on missions in which death was unavoidable. There is also the issue of overall Ukrainian “losses” under the Stalin regime, in which historians, journalists, and writers take into account events such as the Famine of 1932-33, the Purges, deportations, as well as the prolonged conflict with various Soviet forces both during the war and afterward.

The casualties when tallied render Stalin's regime a worse enemy to Ukrainians than the Germans, and thus a temporary alliance with Germany could be justified on these grounds.

Nevertheless, outside the confines of their own environment, the advocates of such a perception of the Stalin years have not found widespread support and, in some cases, have provoked hostile responses.

Likewise the campaign to make heroes out of the adherents of the OUN-B or the UPA can be considered thus far no more than a partial success. In the case of the OUN-B there are far too many road blocks, which can be listed as follows: an ideology that was authoritarian and even extreme by the standards of Central or Eastern Europe in the interwar period; the period of collaboration with the Germans that applies to both wings of the OUN up to the summer or fall of 1941; the question of the OUN-B's attitude toward the Jewish population of Ukraine, as well as the overtly anti-Semitic nature of some of the propaganda issued by the Ukrainian Central Committee in Krakow;⁸⁷ and the nature of the campaign to unite the UPA, involving the enforced cooperation and partial elimination of rival groups, particularly the followers of Bul'ba-Borovets'. In the latter part of the war, there is also no question that the OUN-B and the UPA made a conscious decision to—at the least—adhere temporarily to the side of the retreating Germans in what was a logical maneuver to consolidate and replenish their forces prior to the arrival of Stalin's armies. The relationship between the German occupiers and the nationalists was ambivalent. Possibly one could say that both sides tried to exploit the other for their own benefit. If so, the ploy was unsuccessful, in both cases. The Germans regarded the OUN-B as an unreliable ally that was dangerously ambitious. The OUN-B likely thought that the Germans reneged on earlier promises to permit the establishment of an independent Ukraine. The problem for historians or indeed those trying to create a national history is that a portion of the wartime narrative must make sense of this relationship and perceive that there were times of cooperation and times of animosity.

It is akin to an alliance with one devil in order to avoid another devil. However, the supporters of the OUN-B and the UPA have yet to produce a really convincing wartime narrative that takes all the fluctuations of the period into account and includes both the good and the bad. One can write history in a different way, but only in the form of propaganda.

Notes

The acronym refers to the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army.

Peter J. Potichnyj, a professor emeritus of political science at McMaster University in Canada, notes that UPA is often portrayed as the military arm of the OUN. As a result, he maintains, the OUN's collaboration with the German forces prior to June 1941 is often applied to UPA as well, and despite what he perceives as UPA's very definite anti-German direction. Peter J. Potichnyj, “The Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) and the German Authorities,” in Hans-Joachim Torke and John-Paul Himka, ed. German-Ukrainian Relations in Historical Perspective (Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, 1994), p. 168.

V. Cherednychenko, Natsionalizm proty natsii (Kyiv: Vydavnytstvo politychnoi literatury Ukrainy, 1970).

P. Maksym'yuk and G. Slyvka, ¹Tspytannym oruzhiyem pravdy,” L'vovs'kaya pravda, 20 February 1988, p. 3.

Myron Sluka, “Palacha k otvetu,” L'vovs'kaya pravda, 12 March 1988, p. 3.

Nikolai N. Varvatsev, Ukrainian History in the Distorting Mirror of Sovietology (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1987), pp. 22, 36, 43, and 126-127.

V. Zarechnyi and O. Lastovets, “Banderovshchina,” Pravda Ukrainy (9 August 1989), pp. 34; (10 August 1989), p. 4; (17 August 1989), pp. 3-4; and (19 August 1989), p. 3.

A. Gorban', “Krovavyye sledy banderovtsev,” Pravda Ukrainy, 11 October 1989, p. 3.

Visti z Ukrainy, No. 3 (January 1991), p. 1.

V. I. Maslovs'kyi, “Shchto na ‘oltari svobody'? Dekil'la utochen' viiny ‘na dva fronty,' yaku vela UPA, ta skil'koma nevynnymy zhertvamy oplachuvas' tsey propahdandyts'kyi myf,” Komunist Ukrainy, No.

7 (July 1991), pp. 67-68.

Litopys UPA, edited by Peter J. Potichnyj and Yevhen Shtendera, has published over 50 volumes of UPA memoirs. The collection has been criticized, however, for offering a onesided selection of documents in order to portray the insurgents in a favorable light. According to one account, UPA did not generally maintain a detailed record of its activities. Also the surrounded guerrillas destroyed documents rather than allowing the enemy access to them. Many of the documents captured are today held in the archives of the former KGB and inaccessible to scholars. Litopys UPA thus represents a small fraction of the collection, mainly documents from the archives of the Ukrainian Supreme Liberation Council and the UPA central command. See Yurii Kyrychuk, “Heroichnyi litopys,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 11 July 1996, p. 2. The accusation that the selection of documents was in any way partial was denied strongly by Professor Potichnyj at a symposium on “Ukraine in World War II,” held at the University of Alberta on 29 November 2006.

Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism, pp. 146-152.

Ibid., pp. 153-156.

Viktor Koval', “Ukrains'ka Povstans'ka Armiya: Dovidka Instytutu istorii AN URSR dlya Komisii Verkhovnoi Rady Ukrainy z pytan' bezpeky vid 1 lypnya 1991 roku,” Ukraina i Svit, No. 35 (18-24 September 1996), pp. 9-10.

V. P. Troshchyns'kyi, “Proty vyhadok pro tak zvany ‘antyfashysts'kyi rukh oporu' ukrains'kykh natsionalistiv,” Ukrains'kyi istorychnyi zhurnal, No. 5 (1988): 83-84.

Kost' Bondarenko, “Istoriya, kotoruyu ne znaem, ili ne khotim znat’,” Zerkalo nedeli, No. 12 (29 March-5 April 2002).

Wiktor Poliszczuk, Legal and Political Assessment of the OUN and UPA (Toronto, 1997), p. 32.

M. V. Koval’, Ukraina v Druhii svitovii i Velykii Vitchyznyanii viinakh (1939-1945 rr.) (Kyiv: Vydavnychyi dim Al’ternatyvy, 1999), pp. 152-153.

Maslovs’kyi, “Shcho na ‘altari sbobody’?” pp. 67-73.

Stanislav Kul’chyts’kyi, “Trahediya pysana samoyu istoriyeyu,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 14 October 1997, p.

Stanislav Kul’chyts’kyi, “Ukrainski natsionalisty v chervono-korychneviy Yevropi (do 70- richchya stvorennya OUN,” Istoriya Ukrainy, No. 5 (February 1999) 6-7.

See, for example, P. Maslii, “V UPA buly heroi,” Visti z Ukrainy, No. 42 (October 1991), p.

Ivan Krainii, “Sorok chotyry roky strakhu,” Ukraina moloda, 21 January 1992, p. 7.

Ihor Hulyk, “Petro Poltava i ioho kontseptsiya ukrains’koho derzhavnosti,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 18 July 1992, p. 2.

Ol’ha Ivanova, “Kotyhoroshko povstans’koho lisu,” Samostiina Ukraina, No. 38 (October 1992): 3.

Roman Pastukh, “Enkavedysts’kyi heneral u rukakh u nashykh povstantsiv,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 19 July 1997, p. 2.

Bohdan Zalyps’kyi, “Zberehty sebe, shchob vykhovuvaty nove pokolonia,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 7 April 2000, pp. 6-7.

Roman Pastukh, “Dmytro Hrytsai-heneral UPA,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu,” 20 March 1991, p. 2.

Myroslav Horoshko and Volodymyr Dudok, “Lystar ukrains’koho lisu,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 8 September 1992, p. 3; and 10 September 1992, p. 3.

Ivan Vashkiv, “I stav vin Lehendoyu,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 31 October 1991, p. 2.

Les’ Solomonchuk, “Povernennya Burlaka,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu,” 24 September 1999, p. 5. Myron Sluka, “Kharkivs’kyi ‘bandiora’,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 30 January 1999, p. 2.

Nina Romanyuk, “Vony ishly do lyubovi i myloserdya, a pomyraly zradnykamy i vorohamy,” Ukraina moloda, 19 May 1995, p. 7.

Bohdan Zalyps’kyi, “Zberehty sebe, shchob vykhovuvaty nove pokolonia,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 7 April 2000, pp. 6-7.

Ivan Romanyk, “Banderivs’kyi chervonoarmiets,” Ukraina moloda, 12 September 2001, p. 13.

Nina Romanyuk, “Khoroshyi u vas cholovik. Ot choho vin u tii UPA buv?” Ukraina moloda, 12 October 2002, p. 4.

Maslovs’kyi, “Shcho na ‘altari sbobody’?” p. 72.

Panteleimon Vasylevs’kyi, “Bii za ‘banderivs’ku stolytsu,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 13 January 1995, p. 2.

Mykola Vasyl’chuk, “Pobratani z hromom: nova knyha Mykhaila Andrusyaka pro UPA,” Ukraina moloda, 30 January 2002, p.

Bohdan Mak, “Polkovnyk Shelest,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 27 April 1996, p. 2; 30 April 1996, p. 2; 4 May 1996, p. 2; 7 May 1996, p. 2; 14 May 1996, p. 2.

Fedir Solovei, “Sumni svyata buly v sorok shostomu rotsi,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 19 January 1991, p. 4.

Ostap Moroz, “Na terenakh Drohobychchyny,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 24 November 1992, p. 2.

Ivan Vorobel', “Ostannii bunker,” Za vilnu Ukrainu, 17 October 1996, pp. 2-3.

Ivan Krainii, “Ostanni z pidzemnoho bunkera,” Ukraina moloda, 15 November 2002, p. 5. “Orlan” translates literally as white-tailed eagle.

Based on this review, the book makes no distinction between activities linked to the OUN and those associated with UPA.

Mariya Lytvyn, “Povstanskymy stezhkamy,” Literaturna Ukraina, 18 September 2003, p. 1.

Koval', Ukraina v Druhii svitovii i Velykii Vitchyznyanii viinakh, pp. 149-151.

Bohdan Chervak, “Lehendarnyi Sotnyk,” Ukrains'ke slovo, No. 37 (September 2003): 1, 3.

Evhen Stakhiv, “I v Krasnodoni diyalo natsionalistychne pidpillya,” Ukraina moloda, 21 August 1992, p. 6.

Editorial, “Istoriya i mif,” Ukraina moloda, 25 September 1992, p. 3.

Mariya Bazelyuk, “Nevyanuche istoriya OUN,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 13 October 1992, p. 2.

P. Khobot, L. Kudelia, "Dnepropetrovskiye Banderovtsy," Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 20 October 1994, p. 2.

Serhii Dovhal', “Dnipropetrovs'k-stolytsa banderivtsiv na skhodi Ukrainy,” Ukraina moloda, 2 June 1995, p. 10.

Vakhtang Kipiani, “Ukrains'ki natsionalisty na Mykolaivshchyni. Roky 1941-1943,” Ukraina moloda, 16 April 1998, p. 6.

Koval', Ukraina v Druhii svitovii i Velykii Vitchyznyanii viinakh (1939-1945), pp. 149-151.

Troshchnys'kyi, “Proty vyhadok pro tak zvanyi ‘antifashysts'kyi rukh oporu' ukrains'kykh natsionalistiv,” p. 82.

S. Makarchuk, “OUN: Metamorfozy voennoho vremeni,” L'vovs'kaya pravda, 27 November 1988, p. 3.

N. Karpova, “Vybor,” Pravda Ukrainy, 4 January 1990, p. 4.

B. Gusev, “Kak ono bulo,” L'vovs'kayapravda, 30 June 1990, p. 3.

S. Karnautska, “Portret bez retushi,” L'vovs'kayapravda, 8 May 1991, p. 2.

Volodymyr Kosyk, “Svoboda dast' nam shans,” Literaturna Ukraina, 23 January 1992, pp. 3, 8.

Ol'ha Ivanova, “Khto vin, Stepan Bandera?” Samostiina Ukraina, 15 April 1992, p. 4.

Stanislav Kul'chyts'kyi, “Trahediya pysana samoyu istoriyeyu,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 14 October 1997, p. 2.

Stanislav Kul'chyts'kyi, “Kolaboratsionizm OUN-UPA: derzhavnoi zrady ne bulo,” Ukraina moloda, 8 December 1999, p. 7.

Koval', Ukraina v Druhii svitovii i Velykii vitchyznyanii viinakh, pp. 153-154.

Ibid. pp. 155-156.

Timothy Snyder, “The Causes of Ukrainian-Polish Ethnic Cleansing,” Past and Present, Vol. 179, No. 1 (2003): 208.

For example, Yaroslav Halan, Lest People Forget: Pamphlets, Articles, and Reports (Kyiv: Dnipro, 1986).

“Turning the Pages Back,” (editorial), The Ukrainian Weekly, [http://www.ukrweekly.com/ Archive∕2001∕420112.shtml].

N. Karpova, “Vtoroye ubiystvo: po povody odnoy al'ternativnoi versii,” Pravda Ukrainy, 15 March 1990, p. 4.

Stefaniya Andrusiv, “Khto vin, obdurena zhertva chy svidomyi kat? Pro Yaroslava Halana i Halanivs'kyi typ lyudyny,” Literaturna Ukraina, 3 September 1992, p. 7.

Ibid. On the dissolution of the Ukrainian Catholic Church, the most authoritative source is Bohdan R. Bociurkiw, The Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church and the Soviet State (19391950) (Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, 1996).

Ibid.

Mykola Oleksyuk, “Rozmova z ubyvtseyu,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 6 March 1993, p. 2; 20 March 1993, p. 2; and 30 March 1993, pp. 2-3.

Mykola Oleksyuk, “Zlovisnyi symvol.” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 2 August 1996, p. 2; and 5 August

1996, p. 2.

[http://www.psychcentral.com/psypsych/Nikolai_Ivanovich_Kuznetsov].

P. Grigoruk, “V otryade znali tol'ko Gracheva,” L'vovs'kaya pravda, 27 July 1991, p. 4.

UNSO refers to the Ukrainian Self-Defense Organization, the paramilitary wing of the Ukrainian National Assembly, one of the most radical extremist political parties to emerge in post-1991 Ukraine. It perceives as its “divine destiny” an empire modeled on that of Kievan Rus'. See, for example, Taras Kuzio, “Loyal Nationalism in Postcommunist States,” RFE/RL Newsline, Vol. 7, No. 122 (30 June 2003).

Bohdan Dem'yanchuk, “Heroi z tinnyu provokatora,” Ukraina moloda, 17 April 1992, p. 12. Roman Pastukh, “Zahynu pokynutyi napryzvolyashche svoimy,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 6 May 1993, p. 2. The intriguing question of why the UPA commander was dressed in Gestapo uniform is not addressed.

Petro Yakovchuk, “Pam'yatnyk fashystu,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 4-10 July 1993, p. 3.

Bohdan Fik, “Heneralu Vatutinu vid ukrains'koho narodu,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 18 February

1997, p. 2. The same theme is also covered by Tetyana Kharchenko, “Mizh povstantsyamy i chervonymy partyzanamy nemaye niyakoho antahonizmy,” Ukraina moloda, 20 July 2003, p. 5.

Panteleimon Vasylevs'kyi, “Heneralu Vatutinu vid ukrains'koho narodu,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 9 May 1997, p. 2.

Panteleimon Vasylevs'kyi, “Tsili-vorozhi heneraly,” Za vil'nu Ukrainu, 14 October 1997, p. 2.

Bondarenko, “Istoriya, kotoruyu ne znaem, ili ne khotim znat',” Zerkalo nedeli, No. 12 (29 March-5 April 2002).

See, for an extreme example, B. F. Sabrin, ed. Alliance for Murder: the Nazi-Ukrainian Nationalist Partnership in Genocide (New York: Sarpedon, 1991).

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Source: Marples David R.. Heroes and Villains: Creating National History in Contemporary Ukraine. udapest—New York: Central European University Press,2007. — 363 p.. 2007

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