The Soldier of the Empire
Although Pervomais’kyi enjoyed a relatively secure position among his literary colleagues until 1949, the political shift of the 1930s cast its shadow on his poetics. Once the Union of the Ukrainian Soviet Writers was established in 1934 and the capital of Ukraine transferred to Kyiv, Pervomais’kyi moved to Kyiv and settled in the Rolit, one of the most prestigious residential buildings of the new Soviet nomenklatura erected for the privileged members of the Union of Writers.
Like the Kharkiv-based Slovo House, the Rolit sheltered some sixty of the most prominent literati, at least twenty-four of whom were of Jewish origin. The interference of the Kremlin in the Ukrainian nation-building process, however, brought Ukrainian cultural endeavors to a halt and destroyed the cultural framework informing the Ukrainian-Jewish dialogue of the late 1920s and early 1930s. The many publications on Yiddish writers in the Ukrainian press that focused on and bolstered the Ukrainian-Jewish rapprochement yielded to propagandistic articles celebrating the friendship of the socialist peoples of the USSR. Journals in which Pervomais’kyi began his literary career, and which favored Ukrainian-Jewish rapprochement, were shut down.63 Pervomais’kyi’s The Shtetl Ladeniu and The Promised Land disappeared from the repertoire and were not reprinted even once. Ukrainian newspapers of 1933 - 34, when compared with the same titles of the late 1920s, provided an impression of a thorough pogrom, if not a coup, having taken place in the republic. After 1933, Pervomais’kyi would never ask Volodymyr Sosiura to recite for his close friends his famous poem “Mazepa,” as he had done in Kharkiv: Mazepa again, as in the times of the Russian Empire, turned into a separatist, an outcast, and a traitor.64In the public realm, the Jewish-Ukrainian rapprochement was curtailed.
Two of Pervomais’kyi’s colleagues in the Rolit, the Yiddish writers Itsik Kipnis and Dovid Gofshteyn, risked their lives trying to save the talented Ukrainian writer Dokiia Humenna from starvation: she dared criticize party policy in the villages during the years of famine and came to be considered a leper among the writers.65 Persecutions against Ukrainian writers now accused of bourgeois nationalism, separatism, and fascism acquired a new impetus. During the height of the Great Terror, Ivan Kulyk and Ivan Mykytenko, Pervomais’kyi sympathizers and supporters, were executed. Pervomais’kyi had to wait almost thirty years for the opportunity to repay his debt to Kulyk by contributing to his posthumous literary rehabilitation. On top of that, in the mid-1930s Pervomais’kyi realized that pursuing the career of a Ukrainian-Jewish writer could lead straight to the basement of the NKVD. Pervomais’kyi continued to write his short stories on Jewish issues until 1937, but with Isaac Babel’s arrest he could well expect that the fate of a Jewish-Ukrainian writer would hardly be different.Always cheerful, Pervomais’kyi in the mid-1930s became introspective, sober, aphoristic, and succinct.66 In 1930, Sava Holovanivs’kyi, on the brink of complete despair, told him about Maiakovsky’s suicide (Maiakovsky literally and metaphorically brought Holovanivs’kyi into poetry), to which Pervomais’kyi calmly replied, “Pull yourself together and try to comprehend what has hap- pened.,,67Thirty years later in his poem on the persecuted Spinoza, who was despised by his fellow Jewish countrymen, he advised his protagonist: “Grind your diamond and withstand everything.”68 This poignant motto, bordering on the stoic, emerged not only from Pervomais’kyi’s personal life circumstances but also from his literary predilections, which in the 1930s had switched toward Rudyard Kipling.
Pervomais’kyi’s treatment of Kipling should be seen against the backdrop of the English poet’s overwhelming, albeit implicit, presence in the Soviet culture of the 1930s, an issue that has been shamefully neglected in scholarship.
Indeed, the “Russian,” or in this case, the “Soviet” Rudyard Kipling was not exactly the Rudyard Kipling familiar to Western audiences. The Soviet Kipling provided the young generation of Soviet literati of the 1930s with the imperial literary framework and with the epic-making images of the rank and file ready to sacrifice their lives for the great imperial cause. A new Kiplingesque framework matched the necessities of the rising Stalin regime, and Kipling’s imagery shaped popular attitudes toward the regime. When one turned to Kipling’s legacy, one tacitly claimed that the Soviet state, communist ideology, and socialist society were more valuable than the feelings, sufferings, and fate of a human being. As Kipling put it, “There is neither Evil nor Good in life / Except as the needs of the State ordain.”Soviet Young Communist League poets, Pervomais’kyi among them, were galvanized by the example of Kipling’s Tommy Atkins, for whom duty and obedience became utmost personal values. They misunderstood Kipling’s all-embracing imperialism, considering it a manifestation of his naive internationalism. They translated Kipling’s imperialist sympathies into the idolization of the new Soviet empire, the USSR.69 For them, workers at the Kuznetsk coal mines and on the Far East construction sites, village motorists and proletarian artists, brave polar pilots and tireless Belorussian dairymaids were soldiers of the empire, sacrificing their private human happiness in order to realize the communist paradise. Former national minorities, and industrial and agricultural shock workers hardly able to convey their experiences, suddenly joined the mighty chorus celebrating the epic-making state-building experiment. Being part of this chorus became a privilege and sacred duty in what Terry Martin has called “the affirmative action empire.”
Kipling’s obedient and down-to-earth “young British solider” became no less essential for the singers of the expanding Soviet universe than the marching rhythms of Kipling’s verse.
Soviet Kiplingesque poetry became astonishingly popular with the breakout of what came to be known in Soviet historiography as the Great Patriotic War (June 22, 1941), which made the idea of perishing for the common cause, be it Stalin or Mother Russia, something more than just an abstract metaphor. Among the generation of young Soviet poets of the 1930s, there was hardly a single individual—except, perhaps, for the young David Samoilov (pseud.; real name—David Samoilovich Kaufman, 1920 - 90)—who was neither impressed by nor found himself under the impact of Rudyard Kipling.70 In Ukrainian literature, Kipling was popular both among those who accepted Bolshevism, such as Ivan Kulyk and Oleksa Vlyz’ko, and those who rejected it, such as Oleh Ol’zhych and Dmytro Dontsov. In prewar Ukrainian literature there was perhaps no one who resorted to the imagery and themes of Rudyard Kipling as consistently as did Pervomais’kyi, although his use of Kipling was schismatic, if not subversive.71In the 1930s and 1940s, Pervomais’kyi often turned to Kipling, whose poetry he knew well through his close friend Oleksa Vlyz’ko, perhaps the most consistent Ukrainian admirer of Kipling.72 Pervomais’kyi’s early Komsomol-shaped poetry was imbued with a morphed Kiplingesque “serve, serve, serve as a soldier.” Some of the chauvinistic poetry that he penned in the 1930s elaborated Kipling’s motif of the holiness of state service as, for example, in his servile “Sio- hodni nebo nad Moskvoiu” (Today the Sky over Moscow, 1936), in which he argued that “The great glory of our days / Becomes our duty.”73 Poems such as “Balada vartovykh” (Ballad of the Sentinels, 1931) explicitly cite the source and develop the theme from Kipling’s well-known epitaph, “The Sleepy Sentinel.”74 The recurrent motif of the sapper in his lyrics could have been inspired by the Kiplings Sappers.
Pervomaiskyis poetic cycle “Uhorski rapsodii” (Hungarian Rhapsodies, 1934-35) juxtaposed Kiplingesque self-sacrificial rhetoric and the anticolonialist struggle of the Hungarian people, in particular, of Sandor Petcifi (1823-49).
Other poems, such as his classic “Snih letyt” (The Snow Is Falling, 1942), elaborate Kiplingesque metaphors and Kiplingesque refrains (as in his “Boots”) to convey soldiers’ stamina overcoming the elements and death.75 Even after Per- vomais’kyi turned to new themes and images in the postwar period, he still retained some of his Kiplingeque military metaphors as, for example, in the poem “Pislia boiiv” (After the Battles, 1945):And yet I feel like a soldier,
For I got used to the soldier’s generous fate.
Believe me, my lot is not bad—
Between you the living and, in a field, the dead.76
Yet there was a palpable difference between the Kiplingesque Soviet poets and Pervomais’kyi. The Ukrainian poet did not share the Kiplingesque jangling militarism. Nor did he identify with the Kiplingesque readiness to sacrifice the individual for the sake of the impersonal and imperial. While others adapted Kipling for their epics, Pervomais’kyi transformed him through his lyrics. Epic distance between himself and a stoic-minded sentinel was inconceivable for Per- vomais’kyi. He celebrated the soldier’s soft irony rather than his dry stoicism. His Russian colleagues praised the self-sacrificial act of the revolutionary soldier on the battlefields of international socialism; Pervomais’kyi pointed to the uniqueness of the soldiers’ life. The singers of the immortal deed of a Soviet soldier underscored the greatness of the cause for which he died, while Pervo- mais’kyi emphasized the tragedy of his death. The former taught Soviet citizens to endure and withstand hardships; Pervomais’kyi taught them to be merciful. His sentinels bemoaned the death of Lenin, crying out loud. His sapper, an ironic thinker, treated death as his routine and macabre interlocutor. Unlike most of his contemporaries, Pervomais’kyi turned to Kipling to humanize the voiceless soldiers on the fronts of the Spanish Civil War and, later, of World War II. Pervomais’kyi made his soldiers into philosophers by revealing the spiritual richness of their inner world.
Simultaneously, he turned his poets (Camδes, Cervantes, Heine, Petofi or Mate Zalka) into soldiers, reminding us about how fragile and dangerous the poets life is.This is what Pervomaiskyi did, for example, in his Kiplingesque ballad “Saper i smert” (The Sapper and Death, 1943). Reminiscent of the philosophical discourse through which an ironic thinker appropriates and domesticates death, it is based on the sapper’s ability to speak out loud with a mortar shell:
The sapper is holding death in his hands
And talks to it,
This is his habitual job
As if he does not know other ones.77
The ability to speak furnishes the sapper—a silent, serious, and rigid lower rank—with an upper hand over death and destruction. But not only that. Pervomais’kyi further uplifts his sapper by turning him into his double who, like the poet, neutralizes violent empirical reality by inventing its images and making them speak. By the same token, in “Ivanhorod” (1942), a rank-and-file soldier overcomes the tedium of war through his ability to recite poetry while standing on guard duty, exhausted:
Perhaps there were worse travails
In the lives of each of us.
I am standing and reciting poetry
To make time run faster.78
Thus Pervomais’kyi’s soldiers regain their voices, becoming thinkers, poets, and philosophers wrapped in trench coats. Their self-irony transcends Kiplin- guesque imposing pathos. For them, victory is “as young and happy, as our battalion bugler,” and the survivors remember the grenade explosions “like an old soldier remembers the number of his Three Line rifle.”79
Some of Pervomais’kyi’s poetic decisions may have originated in Pervomais’kyi’s deep empathy for his friend Oleksa Vlyz’ko, whose poetic talent he admired.80 Vlyz’ko adored Kipling and in Kharkiv in the 1920s would recite his work in the middle of the street, scaring passersby. Pervomais’kyi presented Vlyz’ko as a talented young man who finds his way to dazzling rhymes and mesmerizing rhythm, trying to defeat a sickness unheard of for a poet. Vlyz’ko, hard to believe, was stricken with an incurable disease that eventually took away his ability to speak and hear. His public appearances were horrible, for he could not hear his own voice, was incapable of reciting his own poetry, intimidated many of those who did not know about his disease, and could not grasp the extent of his physical failure. In a poignant memorial essay on Vlyz’ko, Pervomais’kyi emphasizes not so much Vlyz’ko’s Kiplingian imagery as the Ukrainian poet’s desperate attempt to regain his own voice. It was his deep sympathy for a poet doomed to virtual dumbness rather than Vlyz’ko’s masterful Kiplingesque variations that formed Pervomais’kyi’s attitude to Vlyz’ko and, by default, to Kipling.81 Vlyzko’s tragic fate, to be executed among other representatives of the Ukrainian national renaissance, only sharpened Pervomais’kyi’s belief that the humane should predominate over the ideological.
Transforming Kipling for his own poetic purposes, Pervomais’kyi revisited Kipling’s key notion of duty. In spite of Pervomais’kyi’s numerous self-portraits in the genre of the “artist as an old soldier” and his profound sense of duty recorded in the memoir, Pervomais’kyi’s “duty” had nothing to do with the soldier’s unquestioning obedience to authority. The only sense of duty Pervomais’kyi acknowledged was his loyalty to his own vocation, his themes, and his ethical principles. Jewish images and Jewish themes appeared in all his creative work in the 1920s and early 1930s and found their way into his later writings as well, although he conveyed his Ukrainian-Jewish sympathies to his readers only sotto voce. For this Pervomais’kyi paid dearly.
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