Conclusion

The discussion above demonstrates that the implementation of Islamic law has progressed alongside Aceh’s transition to special autonomy. It has also developed under the particular socio-economic circumstances of Aceh as it undergoes transition from conflict and is reconstructed following the tsunami.

Social disruption in Aceh has not been as significant as in some other places where precepts of sharia has been introduced, since the Acehnese have long since internalized many of the norms underpinning the province’s Qanun (Suryakusuma and Lindsey 2006). Thus, the resentment of some Acehnese towards the application of Islamic law should not necessarily be interpreted as a rejection of the idea of implementing Islamic law. Although to a certain degree women’s voices and experiences are often disenfranchised within the implementation of Islamic law, in the case of Aceh this does not necessarily mean that they demand the abolition of Islamic law. On the other hand, women’s criticisms of the current practice of Islamic law have increasingly gained leverage within the wider public discussion.

Notes

1 See for example, Crouch (2009), who observes that to date there have been 170 PERDA Syariah applied throughout Indonesia. See also Lindsey (2008, 206) who observes that there are 160 Islamic regional regulations or PERDA Syariat that have been introduced in 24 of Indonesia’s 33 provinces. On the tendency of districts and provinces to adopt sharia-based bylaws, see Azra (2004, 133–147), in which he argued that those who dream of applying sharia into law failed to fight their cause at the national level through the parliament, and so have taken advantage of decentralization to adopt sharia-based bylaws (Azra 2004, 147).

2 This law was enacted with the objectives of promoting better delivery of government’s services and raising the level of government accountability and also as a response to the pressures of dissatisfaction of communities in the outer islands beyond Java, who had experienced massive political and economic exploitation (Suwondo 2002; Usman 2001). In an INFID Background Paper, Suwondo (2002) discusses the political background of the enactment of this regulation during the Habibie presidency, which lasted only a year, from 1998 to 1999. Article 1(3) of Law No. 22/1999 provides that decentralization is the transfer of authority of the government by the central government to autonomous regions, within the framework of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. In addition, Article 1(h) of the Law defines Regional Autonomy as the authority of an autonomous region to regulate and govern the interests of the local people according to their own initiative, based on the aspirations of the people in accordance with rules and regulations.

3 See, for example, Hefner (2001), in which he discusses how Muslims in Indonesia continue to look to their religion for principles of public order as well as for spirituality.

4 For more accounts of this see, for example, McGibbon (2004, ii–viii) who explains that although the Special Autonomy Law is designed as the Indonesian government’s broadest response to secessionist struggles in places such as West Papua and Aceh, it does not represent a solution to separatist conflict. He argues that it acts as part of a broad process of bargaining and negotiation. In his words, ‘special autonomy represented a unilateral concession on the part of Jakarta that lacked any links to the main political forces advocating independence’.

5 See for example Miller (2004). The Law on Special Autonomy for the Special Province of Aceh was passed by President Megawati Sukarnoputri on 9 August 2001. Miller (2004, 334) argued that the law aimed to offer a solution to secessionist demands by granting Acehnese ‘wide-ranging powers of self-governance’. Aside from regulating aspects of Islamic law, it also addressed economic grievances, such as the return of Aceh’s resources revenue, and allowed the Acehnese to hold direct local elections.

6 On the roots of rebellion, scholars working on Aceh are divided on what has been the driving factor for Acehnese resistance to Jakarta. Smith (2002, 69), for example, has identified two views on this issue. The first sees the roots of resistance as primarily religious, while a second group view it as mainly a result of nationalist or separatist sentiments. According to Smith, scholars like Sukma (2002), Robinson (1998), Kell (1995), Aspinall (2007) and Siapno (2002) are among those who believe that the conflict was mainly driven by separatist sentiments.

7 The Darul Islam movement was first established in West Java in 1948, led by Kartosuwiryo, followed by Kahar Muzakkar in South Sulawesi in 1950 and lastly by the Acehnese, led by Acehnese Ulama, Daud Beureuh, in 1953. Laffan (2003, 407) explains that the Darul Islam movement emerged as the result of some Indonesian Muslims’ disappointment at the state’s decision not to choose Islam as the state’s ideology. For more on the Darul Islam movement, see Dijk (1981).

8 Morris (1985, 84) argues that in leading the fight against the Dutch, the Ulama used the powerful weapon of an ‘epic poem’, the ‘Hikayat Perang Sabil’ (The Epic of the Holy War) and told the Acehnese that they will gain ‘fantastic rewards’ in paradise should they fall in the holy war against the infidels. See also Sjamsuddin (1985).

9 Many Indonesians see the Acehnese as pious Muslims and strict followers of Islam. This is in line with Federspiel (1998, 104) who observed that ‘feeling about Islamic obligation is high among the Acehnese’.

10 Sulistiyanto (2001, 449) for example, noted that from August to October 2000 about one hundred people from both the Indonesian military and Acehnese were killed. In addition, Aspinall (2006, 163) showed that after 1999, several massacres took place, including the Simpang KKA massacres in Aceh Utara, and the killing of the respected Acehnese Ulama Tgk Bantaqiah and his 56 followers in Central Aceh (known as ‘Beutong Ateuh’ Massacre). See also Robinson (1998) and Schulze (2006), who discuss the increasing violence and tactics employed by the Indonesian military to crackdown on GAM.

11 Between the period after the fall of Suharto in 1998 to 2004, Indonesia witnessed four changes of governments; from President Habibie, 1998–1999, President Abdurrahman Wahid, 1999–2001, President Megawati, 2001–2004, to the current president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, from 2004.

12 For more accounts on the role of Henry Dunant Centre on the peace negotiation, see Huber (2004).

13 See Sukma (2004) and Aspinall and Crouch (2003) on the security operation and situation in Aceh after the signing of the Humanitarian Pause.

14 For details of the failure of these negotiations see Aspinall (2005).

15 Aspinall and Crouch (2003) offer a rigorous explanation of the development of peace negotiations between the two parties since the fall of the New Order regime.

16 In the debate about the implementation of Islamic law, some activists in Aceh argue that the decision of the Indonesian government to grant Aceh the right to apply Islamic law is a political strategy to curb independence aspirations that were looming throughout the province following the independence of East Timor in 1999. In 1999, thousands of Acehnese marched to the city of Banda Aceh, demanding a referendum. Aspinall and Crouch (2003, 8) argue that to most Acehnese, ‘referendum’ was, in fact, a code for ‘independence’. For more accounts of the political situation and the referendum movement, see Reid (2003) and Aspinall (2009).

17 See, for example, Aspinall (2005), Sukma (2002) and Schulze (2006).

18 See also Ricklefs (2001), Riddell (2006), Siapno (2002) and Reid (2006).

19 See Lindsey et al. (2007).

20 A survey carried out by the Indonesian Survey Foundation (Lembaga Survey Indonesia, LSI) in 2006 showed that about 76.7 per cent of the Acehnese population ‘strongly agree’ with the imposition of Islamic law in the province while 19.2 per cent agree and only 1.2 per cent disagree (Antara 2006).

21 An-Na’im (2008a) discusses how in the current context of the modern nationstate, sharia can be understood as part of a state’s political expression.

22 For another discussion on the political background to Jakarta’s decision, see ICG Report (2006).

23 Maryati is affiliated with a women’s group that supports the Free Aceh Movement. Among women activists, she is considered as wanting to see Aceh separate from Indonesia.

24 Historical accounts suggest that when Aceh was an Islamic kingdom it was economically strong.

25 This notion of Islam as a sole ideological course and as a symbol of cultural identity and integrity is used by Kandiyoti (1989, 5, cited in Shaheed 1994, 998) to describe the tendency of Muslim countries that look to Islam in coping with social change. In the case of Aceh, Islam has been continuously used to signify Aceh’s cultural differences to the rest of the region. See Sjamsuddin (1985).

26 For details on the legal drafting process in Aceh see UNDP Report (no year of publication).

27 See Salim (2006, 196–197), and IDLO Report (no year of publication).

28 According to Bruinessen (1990, 64), the creation of MUI by the New Order in 1975 is to ‘translate the government policy into a language that the ummah (the Muslim communities) understands’. For more accounts on the development of Ulama Council in Aceh see Kell (1995, 50–52).

29 The Special Region status was granted to Aceh in 1962 as a political compromise following Aceh’s Darul Islam rebellion which was launched in 1953 (Sukma 2002, 165; Sjamsuddin 1985). The Special Region status or Daerah Istimewa granted Aceh a broad autonomy in the fields of religion, adat (customary law) and education (Sukma 2002, 166).

30 Chapter 5 of Gubernatorial Decree No. 1/2004 explains that Muhtasib are officers at Wilayatul Hisbah who have the authority to receive reports from the people.

31 Benda-Beckman (2009, 219) wrote that the religious courts do not refer directly to the Qur’an but rather apply the Compilation of Religious Law, an adapted version of Islamic law produced by the Indonesian government in 1991. For more on the history of religious courts in Indonesia, see Cammack (1989).

32 For more discussion on background to the sharia courts in Aceh see Bowen (1993), and Morris (1985).

33 Federspiel (1995, 128) defines khalwat as engaging in unauthorized contact with the opposite sex. It is usually used in a negative sense as a prohibition on non-married males and females undertaking sexual activity with one another. I found it hard to find an English translation for this term. In many writings, the translation varied from adultery to sexual relations between unmarried parties. The reality is that khalwat also means anything from sexual activities outside marriage to a situation where man and woman who do not have kinship relations are in close proximity both in public and private areas. It is considered khalwat if, for example, a school boy and girl spend time in a soccer field talking by themselves. It can also be considered khalwat if a couple have drink or food at a food stall by themselves. Another interesting interpretation, as some of my informants told me, is that those men and women who ride together on a bike can be considered to be khalwat, because they sit close to each other. However, men and women who drive in the car might not be considered khalwat, as they are not ‘physically close’ to each other. Othman (2006, 345) argues that in the Malaysian context, khalwat is defined as a sexual offence of being in close proximity between a male and female who are not muhrim (a relative or kin whom one cannot marry).

34 Although the provincial parliament has passed this bill, the Governor of Aceh had not signed the bill at the time of writing, as is discussed in the Postscript.

35 From my observation, it has become more popular now in Indonesia for men to have beards as they believe they will be considered more pious and as having more religious knowledge. The beard has thus become part of the religious identity for many Indonesian Muslim men, although others perceive this trend as merely a sign of the ‘Arabization’ of Islam in Indonesia.

36 It was reported that a local legislator of Lhoksemauwe was charged in violation of Qanun No. 14/2003 on Khalwat, but his case has never been brought to the sharia court. Another member of local parliament of Aceh Tamiang was also in violation of this Qanun but he was also able to make a deal with the local authorities and so escaped trial (Heryanto 2008).

37 Federspiel (1995, 296) defines zina as fornication or any sexual intercourse between persons who are not in a state of legal matrimony or concubinage.

38 Kantor Dinas Syariat Islam Banda Aceh (2008).

39 I interviewed at least three officials at the Wilayatul Hisbah, and all of them agreed that women must wear loose dress and veiling. They felt that the proper form of veiling is for women to cover all their hair, not versions that leave some hair uncovered.

40 Interview, Suraiya Kamaruzzaman, Banda Aceh, 24 December 2007.

41 Interview with Muhammad Yasir, Pagar Air, Aceh Besar, 1 March 2007.

42 Article 28 of Qanun No. 14/2003 on Khalwat provides that caning must be carried out in places where people can watch, and must be attended by the public prosecutor and a medical team.

43 Siapno (2002, 26) observes that the popular representation of Tjut Nyak Dhien, the Acehnese women heroine, depicts her ‘wearing a “selendang”’ (a thin veil) half-covering her head. Other pictures in the Museum of Aceh in Banda Aceh of prominent Acehnese women of former Islamic kingdoms also capture the women wearing only selendang or shawl draped loosely over the head and shoulders.

44 Dr Nurjanah Ismail is a leading academic at the IAIN Ar-Raniry who is also member of MPU. She has become a regular commentator on the implementation of Islamic law and frequently gives speeches in various forums in Aceh.

45 Bowen (2003, 9) defined Fiqh as a human effort to resolve disputes by drawing on scripture, logic, the public interest, local custom and the consensus of the community. See Chapter 2 for a discussion of Fiqh and sharia.

46 Personal communications when Dr Nurjannah Ismail visited Melbourne in April 2008.

47 See for example Sjamsuddin (1985) and Dijk (1981).

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