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Administration of the Empire: Satraps and Satrapies

The Achaemenid Empire set new standards in its organizational capacity, and not just with regard to the amount of territory ruled. The empire was divided into satrapies or provinces, each ruled by a satrap, answerable to the king.

The satraps, the “protectors of the kingdom,” were typically members of the Persian elite, if not of the extended royal family. These individuals served at the king's will, but in many cases (and in consideration of faithful service) they and their offspring might rule for decades. Satraps maintained a great deal of autonomy over the administration of their province, but they were frequently in contact with the king, necessarily so on major matters such as foreign policy or major military operations. The word “satrap” (Old Persian xsa^apavan) may be considered equivalent to the governor of a province, one level below the king, while the term “satrapy” (from the Greek satrapeia, derived from the Old Persian term) refers to a province. The satrap had a plethora of staff—his own personnel and other royal officials (responsible directly to the king)—to support his work.

The creation of the Achaemenid administrative structure is usually attributed to Darius I. However, even if he reformed the system, parts were certainly organized under Cyrus and Cambyses. Tribute had been collected by Darius's predecessors; it was a long-standing practice before the Achaemenids. Herodotus provides a de­tailed accounting (3.90-95) of the empire's satrapies and their respective tributes. Whether Herodotus's tribute total, a staggering sum of 14,560 talents, has any basis in reality is open to debate.[351] Tribute might also include troop levies and what we would term taxes: payments from royal holdings for the maintenance of government officials and other expenditures. An incredibly detailed customs ac­count from Egypt lists harbor dues and taxes on specific items in the cargo paid to “the house of the king,” which referred to a local treasury.

Such a centralized system reflects the bureaucratic legacies of both Egypt and Mesopotamia, which reach back for centuries previous. This customs account would not have been unique to Egypt; indeed, it should be considered the norm throughout the empire, but the evidence is rarely preserved.[352] Satraps were responsible for the security of their provinces as well as for the maintenance of roads and other networks of communication. When the king sought military forces for a major campaign, it was the satrap's responsi­bility to assemble the requested forces from his area.

The incorporation of local rulers into the satrapal system reveals another means whereby local elites came to have a stake in the empire's stability, such as the Hecatomnid family in Caria in the fourth century bce. Many satraps were appointees from elite Persian families, as in the case of Artabazus in Phrygia (in northwestern Anatolia). Artabazus founded what amounts to a satrapal dynasty: his son Pharnaces and his grandson Pharnabazus provide an unbroken line from 479 bce well into the fourth century. Artabazus was a cousin to the royal family, thus a part of the extended Achaemenid clan, and this connection underlines the Persian nobility's stake in the empire. The king depended upon his satraps' loyalty for the empire's smooth functioning and stability, and the satrap depended upon the king for his position.

The functioning of the empire demanded reliable communications between center and periphery, and the most visible manifestation of this was an extensive network of roads. The Persians adopted and greatly expanded their predecessors' systems to facilitate communication across vast distances. Individuals or groups on state business carried sealed documents that allowed access to supplies or provisions en route to their destination. The most famous of these roads, though it was only one of many, was the so-called Royal Road between Susa in Elam and Sardis in Lydia: it ran through Cappadocia and Cilicia in Anatolia to Armenia and then southward through Arbela and on toward Susa.

By Herodotus's calculations the route ran roughly 1,500 miles and took a journey of 90 days (5.52). Royal dispatches could move with much greater speed via a relay system with fresh horses and messengers at each staging post (8.98). There were similar routes in all directions from the empire's core in Fars. The primary route to Bactria across northern Iran is called in modern works either the Khorasan Road or, for later periods, by its better- known appellation: the Silk Road. Administrative documents from Persepolis, Syro-Palestine, and Egypt record disbursements to travelers in all directions.

Extensive, local bureaucracies are manifestations of a wider system by which the king and the imperial bureaucracy managed the empire's territories. The most fa­mous are the Persepolis Treasury Tablets and the Persepolis Fortification Tablets from Persepolis, labels that indicate the find spots of the archives, not their contents. An important component of the Fortification archive is the wide range of sealings on the tablets, more than 1,100 distinct types of seal impressions on the published Elamite tablets.[353] These reflect an integral part of the administrative process, as the sealings on a tablet may in themselves communicate the originator or recipient, the responsible official(s), and even the specific locale of the transaction. The archive as a whole deals mainly with the collection, storage, and redistribution of foodstuffs and livestock. The tablets provide crucial data on the organization of labor; fiscal management; the demography and cartography of the empire's core; operations of state institutions; religious practices and cultic personnel; travel on state busi­ness; and a host of other social and cultural aspects of Achaemenid history. None of this incredible detail and sophistication was unusual, and it was not unique by any means to Persepolis. It is difficult to reconcile a laissez-faire or indifferent approach of the royal administration in the face of such detailed records.

Bullae from Daskyleion and Aramaic documents from Bactria attest to additional bureaucracies, comparable with and connected to the central one at Persepolis, even in the far-flung provinces.[354] For example, Thucydides relays that Xerxes gave the satrap Artabazos his royal seal (1.29.1), and this act finds an echo in the seal inscriptions found at Daskyleion that bear Xerxes's name. Access to provisions and storehouses along the royal roads required authorization, as demonstrated by not only Herodotus's description of the Royal Road but also a number of documents in Aramaic and Elamite. Herodotus's account is corroborated by a Persepolis tablet (PF 1404), a disbursement from the satrap Artaphernes for a traveling group.

A satrap had a great degree of autonomy in the day-to-day business of his prov­ince, but one loyal to the king stayed within the bounds of royal policy and acted in accordance with royal directives. To act otherwise was tantamount to revolt, and the satrap risked removal from office and, potentially, execution. The demise of Oroetes, the end result of Darius's carefully orchestrated commands sent via messages under the royal seal (Hdt. 3.128), serves as a paradigmatic example of royal control in the satrapies but also the consequences of insubordination. Oroetes, the satrap of Lydia, had remained aloof during the crisis that preceded Darius's ac­cession. Darius tested the loyalty of the Persian troops in Oroetes's satrapy through a series of letters sent under the royal seal. Each letter contained a command that, if the troops obeyed, was a signal for the messenger to continue reading aloud the letters. When it became clear to the messenger that the satrap's troops were loyal to the king, he opened and read the last letter, which commanded the guards to slay Oroetes. They did so immediately.

There are a number of other examples. Around 493 bce, the satrap Artaphernes compelled negotiated settlements through arbitration for Ionian cities, established the boundaries of their territories, and assessed their tribute (Hdt.

6.42). Also dat­able in the 490s, the satrap Pherendates imposed regulations on Egyptian priests in Elephantine, including payment of taxes, via Darius's directive. Another directive implemented in Egypt by the satrap Arsames, this one of Darius II in 419/418, in­volved Jewish workers and the observance of the Passover. Artaxerxes II, via the satrap Struthas, arbitrated a border dispute between the Ionian cities Miletus and Myus in the late 390s. Military matters outside the satraps' province certainly re­quired royal approval. In the late 490s, Artaphernes supported Aristagoras's sugges­tion of a campaign against Naxos, though the king had to approve of the plan (Hdt 5.31-32). In the mustering for an attack on Egypt in 473, Pharnabazus calls him­self the master of words while the king is the master of actions (Diodorus Siculus 15.41.3), in response to the mercenary commander Iphicrates's complaint of the muster's plodding progression.[355] In the same passage, Iphicrates is described specif­ically as having been summoned by the king himself.

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Source: Bang Peter F., Bayly C.A., Scheidel Walter (eds.). The Oxford World History of Empire. Volume Two: The History of Empires. Oxford University Press,2020. — 1352 p.. 2020

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