Imperial Rule and Ethnic Identity
Such tensions sometimes had an ethnic dimension. In mountainous sections of the southern province of Guangdong, such people who fell outside the state's reach were often called Yao, a broad term that in later centuries came to connote a nonChinese linguistic or ethnic identity.
The Yao's relations with the Ming imperial state, regional elites, local officialdom, and local merchants and farmers ranged along a spectrum from limited contact to open military conflict, with uneventful interaction being perhaps the most common. Regional elites, meaning men with land, social standing, and careers advanced through the imperial state, most principally the civil-service examinations and office-holding, drew upon the rhetoric of the civilizing mission to describe the process by which Yao territories fell under firmer control of the Ming state during the latter half of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Regional elites celebrated the extension of imperial administration through the military subjugation of unregistered households, the establishment of military garrisons and county-level governments, and the systematic appropriation of Yao lands by Chinese farmers. Elites, who derived economic and political advantages through access to new lands and looser examination standards in the newly created counties, textually inscribed in commemorative stele—for academies, government offices, wall building, and the construction of shrines—the expansion of the imperial state and, not coincidentally, the ambit of their personal and family interests.[1448] As noted earlier, the imperial state was a resource to be used to advance individual, family, and community interests.The imperial state's expansion also directly contributed to the construction of, for lack of a better term, ethnic identity. As noted earlier, registration as a “Tatar” household determined the administrative standing of Mongol and Jurchen families.
Leo Shin has detailed the process by which people of diverse linguistic, cultural, and physical attributes came to be identified as Yao (or Zhuang). A critical factor was how individuals and communities chose to respond to the imperial state. Whether to remain outside its direct control and avoid its demands or accept its authority and exploit its benefits often boiled down to the decision whether to register with local government as a household.[1449] Those who registered became Ming subjects; those who did not were known as Yao. Categories may have begun as external and artificial, but over time could become deeply held cultural identities accepted by former “Yao” people, other Chinese subjects, and the imperial state.Finally, the Yao figured in another important pattern of governance used by the Ming (like earlier and later dynasties) in interactions with the familiar Other in border regions. In the tusi or local chieftain system, the Ming state recognized leaders from families that had often held power for centuries. Recognition from the throne, access to Chinese economic resources, and occasional recourse to Ming military support strengthened these local leaders' position. The administration of regions under their control was staffed by local men rather than officials dispatched by the central government, as was the norm in the rest of empire. Local populations were not rigorously integrated into the imperial household registration system. One scholar has characterized the result as “dual sovereignty.”[1450] During struggles among local elites, incumbents, and challengers sometimes called on Ming support. The Ming state, however, exercised only uneven control, and many officials argued against entanglement in violent struggles that were imperfectly understood and usually tangential to core dynastic interests.[1451] However, the Ming state showed no intention of abandoning regions under tusi rule, and their local leaders regularly contributed units of men to bolster Ming imperial forces in campaigns elsewhere in China.
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