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On 6 April 1868, the Meiji emperor proclaimed the Imperial Oath and ‘restored' the imperial rule, beginning the Meiji period (1868-1912).

At the time, the emperor was a mere 15 years old, so the royalists from southern domains, often of humble origin inside the samurai class, overthrew the Tokugawa government in his name.

The Oath was written, not by the emperor, but by these royalists, and one of their objectives was abolishing ‘harmful' (roshu) feudal customs of the previous periods.1 The Tokugawa government had provided the people with a no-war environment for more than two centuries. While nearly 3,000 peasant uprisings and other social upheavals occurred during the Tokugawa period (1600-1867), the govern­ment experienced neither domestic nor international warfare.[534] [535] Nonetheless, the Tokugawa era was not necessarily less violent than the Meiji era. The Tokugawa government used various kinds of punishment, including torture, in order to maintain domestic peace and order.[536] After all, it was the Meiji government that introduced Western-style penal reforms, abolished some harsh older punishments and built new Western-style prisons and a Supreme Court. In addition to judicial reforms, the new government accomplished various economic, political and social reforms in order to demonstrate that the new empire was as civilised as the Western powers.

To examine whether the Tokugawa or the Meiji government was more violent, one needs to define ‘violence'. If it is defined as physical violence such as war, torture and murder, the Meiji government may have been more violent than the Tokugawa, because, similar to other colonial governments in the West, it committed atrocities and acts of aggression both within and outside the empire, including the Civil War (1868-9), the Satsuma Rebellion (1877), the Sino-Japanese War (1894-5) and the Russo-Japanese War (1904-5). Nonetheless, if the term includes structural violence, as defined by Johan Gultung, a sociology professor who founded the Peace Research Institute in Oslo, the evaluation may be more difficult, because structural violence includes poverty, hunger, and inequalities based on ethnicity, gender, nation­ality and religion.[537] If one counts these latter forms of violence, one may conclude that Tokugawa Japan was as violent as its successor.

A comparison among the Meiji (1868-1912), Taisho (1912-25) and Showa (1925-89) periods in Japan yields troubling results.

Like Meiji Japan, Taisho Japan continued to be energetically involved in international military con­flicts such as World War I from 1914 to 1918 and the Siberian intervention from 1918 to 1920. As the scale of the military conflicts widened, the degree of violence abroad also intensified. Nonetheless, many more citizens of the empire, including ethnic minorities from its colonies, probably enjoyed liberal domestic politics, including labour, civil rights and feminist move­ments. Compared with Meiji and Taisho, the early Showa period brought the most severe destruction to Asia and the Pacific from the early 1930s to 1945, during which millions of people perished. From 1945 to the end of the Showa, however, Japan embraced the so-called Peace Constitution and Japanese have enjoyed a much less violent period than the wartime and prewar years.

While it is difficult to decide which period of the Japanese empire was more violent, violence in the empire was without doubt too abundant to list entirely. Nonetheless, it can be grouped as violence related to imperialism/ militarism, racism and sexism. This chapter details some of the specific examples in each category in order to demonstrate institutionalised violence committed by the state from the birth of the empire in 1868 to the end of its existence in 1945. The term ‘violence' in this chapter includes not only physical but also structural violence.

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Source: Edwards Louise, Penn Nigel, Winter Jay (eds.). The Cambridge World History of Violence. Volume 4: 1800 to the Present. Cambridge University Press,2020. — 676 p.. 2020

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