The Earliest Government: The Eight Banners
The earliest of these governments was the “Eight Banners” (jakungusa, baqi).& Late sixteenth-century documents from Korea as well as Ming China suggest that these organizations were already in action.
Later documents show that in the first years of the seventeenth century these units were formalized into four large divisions, and by the creation of the khanate their number was fixed at eight, which was retained for the remaining life of the empire. They may have begun as security organizations for the rulers ancestral to the Qing and were rapidly transformed to military, or may have been both military and security from the outset. In their principle of bringing entire families under ownership by a “lord” (ejen), the banners were a direct inspiration of the old patrimonial system (ordo) of the Kitan and Mongol periods. This is what made them essential to governance: They were comprehensive instruments for control of the whole population, since the families of all bodyguards or soldiers were enrolled. The earliest bannermen were paid in booty on the occasion of the pillaging of nearby villages; when not fighting, these bannermen were farmers on either their own plots or, more likely, the large farms owned by the ruling lineage and its affiliates. By the time of creation of the empire in 1636, bannermen were supported by indentured farmers and occasional expropriations from the conquered population of Liaodong, and remained permanently on call. Men between the ages of 15 and 60 were actively in service if there were spaces for them in the salary lists; if not, they were to depend upon their actively serving male relatives for room and board and continue to train in preparation for an appointment. Women, children, and the elderly were expected to prepare their household’s soldiers' uniforms, bedding, weapons, and to prepare food and medicines for them to carry when in the field.The Eight Banners as they existed at the time of creation of the khanate in 1616 were not culturally striated. They were composed largely of Jurchens who had either followed the ruling family since the sixteenth century or had been brought into the khanate by surrender or conquest at a later date. Each banner was differentiated by a color, which was in essence its formal designation (Plain Yellow, Bordered Yellow, Plain White, Bordered White, Plain Blue, Bordered Blue, Plain Red, Bordered Red). The number of banners corresponded to the number of “princes” (beile) in the collegial council (sons and one nephew of the khan). In 1616 each prince owned a banner as part of his estate. After Hung Taiji’s accession to the khanship he systematically undermined the princes, seizing three banners for himself and weakening the discretion with which the remaining banners were used by their respective princes. By the early 1630s he had effectively eradicated any ability of the princes’ council to counterweigh his own power to any significant degree. A progressive bureaucratization also eroded vestiges of aristocratic authority within the banners, including hereditary access to the captaincies of the hundreds of banner companies. It was this process that banished the old name of “Jurchen” from official vocabulary and in most instances replaced it horizontally with “Manchu” after 1634 (it was officially declared the “national” name in 1635).[1983]
In 1634 the process began of constructing parallel banner organizations for the Mongols. That is, each of the Eight Banners subsequently was constituted of both a Manchu and a Mongol variant (e.g., Manchu Bordered Yellow, Mongol Bordered Yellow). As a consequence, state control over the designation “Mongol” and the narration of this “Mongol” history increased sharply. Groups and individuals who had been the regime’s earliest adherents from eastern Mongolia (including Khorchin, Kharachin, and a few Tumet Mongols) were for general administrative purposes thereafter nominalized as Mongols of the Eight Banners.
A few of the early Mongol adherent lineages were actually enrolled in the Manchu banners and afterward considered Manchu. In 1642 the third iteration was created, with eight Chinese-martial (hanjun) banners,[1984] and once again some politically favored lineages of the Chinese-martial were also made Manchu.[1985] The last set of banners created accommodated a complex identity whose historical representation changed very significantly from the seventeenth to the eighteenth centuries.The Chinese-speaking population of Jilin, and to some extent of Liaodong, had various origins reaching to north China, northern Korea, and migrating populations of Mongols and Jurchens. The establishment of the Chinese-martial banners nominalized this group as “Chinese” but with a difference—the Chinese-martial (hanjun) bannermen were not civilians, and were intended to be restricted in their contacts with the conquered, civilian population in the same way and to the same degree as Manchu and Mongol bannermen. This was always a difficult thing to control, and by the latter part of the seventeenth century, administrative practices relating to the Chinese-martial bannermen became increasingly informal and irregular. By the eighteenth century, for reasons relating primarily to evolution of the rulership, imperial prescriptions tended to racialize the Chinese-martial as being an organic extension of the conquered civilian population of China. As imperial finances deteriorated from the mid-eighteenth century the Chinese-martial were increasingly characterized as “Chinese” as a reason for cashiering them from the banner payrolls.[1986] Until that time, all three of the cultural divisions of the Eight Banners worked as mutually distinguishing mechanisms. Manchus, Mongols, and Chinese- martial were defined by contrast to each other, in increasingly rigid, idealized, and in fact impractical ways.
At the time of the Qing conquest of northern China in 1644-1645, there were Eight Banners with three cultural divisions each, or effectively 24 banners (in fact there were a small number of companies created for Muslims and tribal peoples of the upper Amur territories).
But the sizes of the banners varied enormously, depending on their ostensible cultural affiliations. The difficulty of pretending a meaningful tripartite foundation of Eight Banner governance is suggested by the numbers, as we now understand them, of the enrolled populations. Establishing anything like precise numbers for the banner population before 1636 is very difficult. Qing statutes probably based on earlier regulations of the Jin khanate mention fines of up to 10,000 dependents upon princes convicted of various crimes, and while there is no reason to equate legal dependents with bannermen, there is no logical basis for regarding bannermen of the period before 1616 as separate from dependents. A good guess is that before the beginning of the war against Ming in 1618, each banner organization probably contained at most a few thousand banner soldiers and their dependents, giving a total of perhaps 10,000 or fewer per banner. After the initiation of the war against Ming, total banner enrollments rose rapidly, partly because it was during the ongoing war (which in various forms lasted until the Ming were deposed by a massive rebellion in April 1644) that the banners were established as formal entities, differentiated by cultural affiliation, and brought under the unified control of the emperorship. For reasons explored in the following, the total number of bannermen rose very steeply after the conquest and occupation of the former Ming province of Liaodong. Various kinds of documentation—most specifically the registers used after 1644 for census taking and salary distribution— suggest a total banner complement of perhaps 200,000 soldiers, of which approximately 120,000 to 150,000 participated in the campaigns and garrison settlement in China after 1644. Using the conventional ratio of one soldier salary to support five individuals (the ratio used by the imperial government in its salary calculations and by scholars dating back to Fang Chao-ying), this suggests a banner population in China of roughly a million in the decades after 1644, of which about half were settled in or around Beijing.[1987]By 1644, for the banners as a whole, nearly half of the enrolled population was Chinese-martial.
Between 1618 and 1625 (when the former Ming province of Liaodong was incorporated into the Jin khanate and in fact became the seat ofgovern- ment) the number ofChinese speakers—former Ming soldiers and officials, Liaodong townsmen and farmers—who joined the banners, willingly or unwillingly—swelled. A uniquely high proportion of the Chinese-martial bannermen were so-called bondservant (booi aha, baoyi) companies within the banners. The Jin khanate, and the early Qing Empire in Liaodong, were slave states. Before creation of the khanate, the Jurchen populations of western Jilin were large and increasing due to the development of agriculture, particularly wheat production, in addition to rising commerce with Ming trading stations. Ownership of agricultural land was concentrated in the hands of Jurchen elites, and the land was worked by slaves; both land and slaves were administered through a traditional estate system in which they combined to form patrimonies, which were overtly represented by the banners. Most slaves had been acquired during conflicts between Jurchen villages and by abduction parties into Korea and China to find more laborers for the fields.[1988] Slaves were so numerous and so critical to maintenance of lineage wealth and status in the early khanal regime that monitoring the acquisition and exploitation of slaves by the aristocracy was a high priority of the khan; opportunities to seize or free slaves of rival princes or aristocrats by accusing slave owners of abusing their slaves was an important means of undermining aristocratic power, and Hung Taiji as khan increased his patrimony at the expense of his brothers and cousin by hundreds or thousands of slaves at a time. Among the general population of slaves, the bondservants were elite. They were frequently household servants, bodyguards, or managers of field or small industrial enterprises. Many came to be trusted by their lords, and over time they could become wealthy. In the early years of the conquest of China, bondservants were often the key to the establishment of provisional over Chinese territory by Chinesespeaking officials who were bondservants to the Qing imperial lineage.[1989]Of the remaining half of the banners that were not Chinese-martial, Manchus may have outnumbered Mongols by more than five to one; certainly, it is difficult to find Mongol enrollments in the Eight Banners ever rising above 8 percent.
These proportions were altered by state policy through the nineteenth century, in the general direction of reducing the number of salaried positions for Chinese-martial soldiers, which inevitably diminished the number of Chinese-martial families under the jurisdiction of the Eight Banners. At the level of elites (banner company captaincies, appointments to high state office, quotas for the examinations that were required for many bureaucratic appointments), the state began the period of conquest in China with an ostensibly even policy of 1:1:1 for most of these privileges. The inequity toward Chinese-martial, who far outnumbered all other bannermen in the early period, was obvious, but the imperial court was more interested in the relative advantage over Manchus enjoyed by Mongols, whose numbers were very small in comparison to other bannermen but whose representation among banner elites was twice the proportion of the Mongol banner population. In the later seventeenth century quotas were repeatedly altered to diminish the marginal advantages enjoyed by Mongol elites, though it is probable that Mongols remained over-represented (in proportion to the population as a whole) among banner elites and high government officials for the life of the empire.[1990]Once the khanate's campaigns against Ming Liaodong had begun, the function and status of the Eight Banners changed greatly. Chinese-speakers surrendering to the invaders were no longer routinely incorporated into the Eight Banner forces. Instead, the Eight Banners became an occupying stratum imposed upon a larger, unincorporated, conquered population. After the initiation of the conquest of north China, the Eight Banners became a virtually closed system, a sealed set of lineages, and would in the ensuing decades take on the characteristics of a distinct cultural identity in China. The armies actually doing the conquering in China were, in number, largely derived from deserters of the Ming forces, or soldiers surrendering from the rebel army of Li Zicheng that had actually ended the Ming dynasty, and they were enrolled in the new Armies of the Green Standard.[1991] Eight Banner commanders, dominated by members of the imperial lineage of the Qing, led the campaigns, and Eight Banner soldiers were stationed in conquered provinces, as well as in every corner of Beijing, to police the conquered. Their families were settled in walled compounds, with their own lands, grazing areas, living quarters, entertainment districts. and graveyards. From being a means of administering the entire population in the early khanal period to being a means of controlling the population of occupiers in China after 1644, the Eight Banners remained an intact and essential, but quite distinct, government within the Qing state. Its documentation was in the languages of its components (Manchu, Mongolian, and Chinese) with a preeminent place for Manchu.
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