The Impact of Empire
Building an empire had a significant impact on Egypt, both in terms of costs, allocation of resources, and expected returns. Egyptological scholarship is usually vague about the reasons underlying the Egyptian expansion abroad and vacillates between security and economic motivation, the latter being reduced to the capture of booty and tribute and, consequently, to an exercise in “bringing wealth” into Egypt.
Nevertheless, both positions fail to explain why empire followed the global expansion of trade over a larger geographical span. In fact, the capture of lucrative trade routes appears to have been an essential cause of expansion abroad. When King Kamose launched an attack against Avaris, the capital of the Hyksos, and its harbor, he boasted that “I have not left a plank to the hundreds of ships of fresh cedar which were filled with gold, lapis lazuli, silver, turquoise, bronze axes without number, over and above the moringa-oil, incense, fat, honey, willow, box-wood, sticks and all their fine woods (all the fine products of Retenu [= Canaan and Syria]). I have confiscated all of it.”[89] While the reference to “hundreds of ships” might be bombastic, the cargo listed resembles the Uluburun wreck and its 10 tons of Cypriot copper, one ton of tin, half a ton of terebinth resin, 18 logs of ebony, ivory, ostrich eggshells, vestiges of murex, spices, metal vessels, and thousands of glass beads. Trade had expanded and fueled exchange during the Middle Bronze Age, to the point that capturing and taxing its revenues—at the cost of expensive wars, military occupation, and building an administrative structure on foreign territory—could prove to be more rewarding than seeking tribute alone. Compare the amounts of gold and silver gained in Thutmose III's military expeditions in the Levant (between 1-6 kilograms per campaign) with the huge quantities obtained from taxes within Egypt. Ramesses III donated to the temples 52 kilograms of gold—about half of it from Nubia—and one ton of silver from the annual taxes paid by the servants of several royal temples and herds. Meanwhile, a single local guardian of natron paid 91 kilograms of gold, and individual fishers paid 0.27 kilograms of silver each in annual taxes. The contrast is striking and reveals the weight of exchanges, as well as the extent of precious metal circulation. Silver was scarce in Egypt and had to be imported. Trade was therefore necessary to convert commodities into precious metals that were, in part, subsequently paid as regular taxes to the treasury.Traders figure frequently in New Kingdom sources as working for both institutions (for instance, for royal palace and temples) and for themselves (though not always officially), trading between cities along the Nile, selling and lending to private individuals and, in general, transforming commodities into precious metals and vice versa. The papyri that record the robbery of temples and royal tombs in the Late New Kingdom show, for instance, that traders were able to “launder” huge amounts of stolen gold and silver, thus confirming that both metals circulated widely in Egyptian society. Nevertheless, Egyptian traders were also very active in the Levant, and their activities are recorded in texts like the Amarna Letters,[90] in the archaeological record,[91] and even in literary texts, where exchange with the Syro- Levantine region is prominent among the business of wealthy individuals, who sold agricultural goods there.[92] In fact, the circulation of caravans and traders in the Near East was at that time subject to careful regulations among states in order to facilitate their activities. Silver fueled these exchanges. The recent discovery of three small silver hoards at the Levantine-Egyptian garrison town of Beth-Shean, together with stone weights using the Egyptian deben as the basic unit (as well as fish from the Nile), is illustrative not only of the use of “money” in transactions, but also of the existence of a trade system that included commodities like dried fish.[93] The export of Egyptian cereal was also a source of income, and shipments of grain to the Hittite Empire under Ramesses II, Merenptah, and Sethi II (1279-1194 bce) have been linked to the contemporary debasement of silver in Egypt, probably because it arrived in huge quantities as payment for the grain.
Foreign merchants are also attested in Egypt as well as in Nubia, where they could rise to high status (Simentu, for instance, one of the sons of Ramesses II, married the daughter of a Syrian shipowner).[94]Of course, this does not mean that tribute imposed on foreign territories played a minor role, but its conspicuous, symbolic role as a source of exotic goods, as proof of foreign submission, and as an indicator of the extent of the king's authority have caused its role to be overvalued. In fact, what was in many instances unilaterally presented as tribute, on grounds of ideology and prestige, should be better described as commercial transactions and exchanges of gifts.[95] Nevertheless, the conquest of foreign territories was accompanied by the imposition of tribute in the form of taxes (e.g., slaves, cattle, horses, cereals, wine, oil, metals, and timber; in the case of Nubia, gold, ivory, precious skins of exotic animals, and ebony). It was also accompanied by the delivery of prestige goods (e.g., incense, gold, silver, precious stones, and the products of craft specialists: chariots, wooden objects, prized textiles, stone vessels, as well as gold and silver items). Other services involved access to harbors and livestock centers in order to supply armies, messengers, diplomats, and Egyptian officials in transit.[96] This usually meant that the resources of a given area were evaluated and taxes imposed, as in the case of the agricultural domains founded in the Jezreel Valley, which produced 207,300 sacks of wheat.[97] In any case, the regular delivery of gold and silver by Levantine Egyptian vassals implies that trade was active in this region and that even small polities managed to accumulate significant quantities of precious metals. The campaign of Pharaoh Sheshonq I in Palestine (tenth century bce), which was followed by massive donations of gold and silver to the Egyptian temples (182 tons of silver in one case, 209 tons of gold and silver in another)[98] give an idea of the wealth controlled by the pharaohs in previous centuries, when Egypt dominated, among other routes, the lucrative traffic in what would later become the Incense Road.[99]
Temples figure among the main beneficiaries of tribute thanks to royal donations. This included precious metals, cattle, and serfs/slaves, to the point that “filling the stores of the temples” became a topos in royal inscriptions.
Nevertheless, temples were also huge production and management centers that were involved in trade ventures, the management of crown lands, mining, and extensive agricultural production. The arrival of thousands of deportees and prisoners of war made it possible to expand the ihwty-system. Ihwty-cultivators worked standard tracts of land (about 5 hectares) and delivered fixed amounts of grain (200 sacks). As for the most important temples, their domains were spread all over the country. For instance, the decree of Seti I at Nauri (in Nubia) was intended to safeguard the Nubian property and personnel belonging to the temple of Osiris at Abydos. Such domains, usually administered by priests and high dignitaries, strengthened the links between the local elite and the royal palace. Tribute probably fueled economic sectors—building, for instance. The vast architectural projects of the New Kingdom involved the participation of huge numbers of both skilled and unskilled workers, on a seasonal or permanent basis, depending on the nature of their tasks. The extent of these projects would necessarily have had a deep impact on the economy of the country and provided income to a significant percentage of the population. The best-documented cases are in settlements of specialized craftsmen, like Der el- Medina, where artisans and their families resided permanently and the state met needs like food and lodging. Likewise, workshops that produced equipment for the army, funerary and other luxury goods for the elite, as well as huge quantities of glass and other valuable (for instance, ivory) exports, must have stimulated the urban crafts sector and constituted a significant source of employment.[100] Some of these goods were exported, as were fish, hides, linen cloths, papyrus, and natron.[101] These activities were subject to taxation within Egypt itself, and this may explain the expansion of fishery, livestock rearing, and linen cultivation in the Delta.[102] In all, it is quite likely that a “salaried” sector expanded within Egypt thanks to imperial conquests.Another important consequence of empire was the rise of the army as a significant social, economic, and political force.[103] The military included highly skilled forces like charioteers and foreign mercenaries, as well as officials who occasionally played an important role in political events (the generals Horemheb and Herihor, for example, became pharaohs, while the Nineteenth Dynasty was founded by a family of military men from Lower Egypt). Nevertheless, the activities of the army were in no way limited to warfare, as soldiers and officials were also employed in agriculture, quarrying, mining, and building. In addition, it appears as an autonomous branch of the administration, whose activities quite often overlapped with those of other departments. The fact that officials were rewarded with substantial agricultural domains, in many cases associated with temples, royal statues, and crown lands, altered the structure of the local elite. Military people appear as a rural gentry, closely linked to the monarchy in the Wilbour papyrus. They also appear in inscriptions like those of Ahmose son of Abana, who, risen from the ranks, obtained land and slaves and was able to bequeath wealth to his descendants and to found a family that reached the upper echelons of the civil service. The same is true of Neshi, who was rewarded with a plot of land that became the subject of a long dispute among his descendants, centuries later. The army thus opened new paths for social promotion that enabled commoners to rise in society, accumulate wealth, and enter into patronage networks[104] while serving the interests of the monarchy in key institutions (temples, for example), in the countryside, and in counterbalancing the influence of other sectors of the ruling elite (i.e., the priesthood, local nobility, and civil service).
As for the cost of empire, military losses appear to have been significant toward the end of the New Kingdom (this included personnel sent to the quarries and mines—up to 10 percent of the total under Ramesses IV, even 50 percent in other texts).
This was due to changes in military tactics (for instance, the introduction of swords), as well as the circumstances of fighting on various fronts. Thutmose III, for example, led 10,000 men in his first campaign into Palestine, and Seti I led 15,000 to recapture Beth-Shean. Ramesses II led more than 20,000 at Qadesh. Nevertheless, foreign warriors made up a significant percentage of Egyptian troops—up to 3,100 within a single division of 5,000 men—while maintenance costs of the army partly fell on temples, who included officials, soldiers, and stable masters (i.e., those in charge of chariotry and horse rearing) among landholders of their agricultural lands. The imposing architecture of New Kingdom Nubia (with its temples and decorated tombs) has been interpreted as a high and (in the end) uneconomical price to keep the area under Egyptian control. However, it can also be seen as proof that Egypt's imperial dominion was highly lucrative, the profits of which were partly reinvested in Nubia and shared by the local elite. As for the Delta, the foundation of a new capital at Pi-Ramesses in the late New Kingdom, a site that also served as a military base and strategic harbor, altered the landscape of this region and paved the way for its later transformation into Egypt's primary economic and urban center. The same can be said of the high proportion of Lower Egyptians engaged in the military, the royal stables, fishing, and herding, as well as orchard and vine agriculture.
More on the topic The Impact of Empire:
- Bang Peter F., Bayly C.A., Scheidel Walter (eds.). The Oxford World History of Empire. Volume Two: The History of Empires. Oxford University Press,2020. — 1352 p., 2020
- The Impact in Africa
- Legislation in the Empire
- China: mission beyond the empire
- Conclusions
- PRESSURES FOR CHANGE IN THE BRITISH EMPIRE
- For close to 150 years, from the late 18th to the early 20th centuries, Ukrainians lived in two empires: about 80% of them were subjects of the Russian emperors, and the remainder inhabited the Habsburg empire.*
- 29 RELIGION AND EMPIRE IN THE SOUTH SEAS IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
- EPILOGUE: IMPERIAL FRICTIONS
- The Origins of the Roman Empire