CONCLUSION
The cultural sector exhibits market characteristics that are typical for all types of information goods and services, and much of it is immediately affected by the diffusion of Internet-based services.
Cultural economics has a strong empirical tradition in research on the performing arts, heritage and increasingly on the wider creative industries. Empirical work in this field has also supported theorizing on topics that are central in new academic work on the Internet and the production, dissemination and consumption of information goods and services. This includes taste formation and supplier induced demand, intrinsic motivation, the industrial organization of non-profit organizations and decision-making under extensive uncertainty, superstar effects, and the social value of non-excludable and non-rival goods and services (Blaug, 2001). The literature on cultural economics provides rich pickings for researchers on markets for information goods and services and the Internet, including user-generated content, the private provision of quasi-public goods, the value and valuation of goods and services with extensive external effects, demand formation and superstar effects, or the desirable level of copyright protection.That being said, cultural economics is only beginning to directly engage with the Internet and the implications for the cultural sector. There is an urgent need for robust insights regarding the impact on various parts of the cultural sector of miniscule and non-increasing marginal costs of reproducing and disseminating works, new forms of user-producer and user-user interaction, customization, personalization and user innovation, media convergence, and the rise of highly concentrated suppliers of general purpose, Internet-based services, such as search engines, social media sites and online retailers.
Cultural economics has an important contribution to make to understanding the wider implications of the economic changes brought by the Internet for cultural welfare and the welfare of those who create it.
There is greater scope for research on the Internet to draw on what we know about the more traditional markets for cultural information goods and services. It is also high time that cultural economists extended their repertoire to deal with technological change and its ambiguous effects.NOTES
* The final version of this chapter was submitted to the editors in August 2013, which is reflected in the selection of examples and the literature. The chapter identifies fundamental topics of cultural economics and how they relate to research on digitization and the Internet, which are as current as ever.
1. By ‘cultural economics’ we mean in particular publications in the category Z11 (Economics of the Arts and Literature) according to the Journal of Economic Literature (JEL) classification system. This body of literature has developed over the last 50 years. Much of the related research has been presented at the biennial conferences of the Association of Cultural Economics International (www.culturaleconomics.org), and many articles are published in the Journal of Cultural Economics, as well as a number of authored and edited books.
2. For recent surveys of the economics of copyright see Towse et al. (2008) or Handke (2010, 2012). On the impact of the Internet on mass media and creative industries, see Picard et al. (2008).
3. Essentially, impact studies are empirical cost-benefit analyses. They fall relatively comfortably within the scope of the neoclassical welfare model, as applied in fields like environmental economics and the economics of health and education.
4. Cultural economics has tended to stick with the superstar moniker; ‘winner-take-all’ is a similar concept applied to a wider range of market situations, though without the analysis of the role played by differences in talent.
5. Cultural products tend to be non-rival in consumption - the consumption by one party does not diminish the value of the same work by others. If there are no problems with excessive use (congestion), network effects will usually be positive.
There may be exceptions where cultural products are Veblen goods that are appreciated for their scarcity and the potential to demonstrate social status through conspicuous consumption.6. Pay TV subscriptions for selected - often exclusive - audiovisual content have been marketed for a long time.
7. LoveFilm exited the rental business in 2009 and was acquired in 2011 by Amazon. Netflix is also a major, authorized supplier of on-demand video subscriptions in the USA, and has started operating in several countries.
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