Ending Empire, Redefining Difference

Long-lasting empires, we have argued, were flexible kinds of polities. Focused on extension and maintenance of power, they presumed no specific relationship of “people” and state.

In the middle of the twentieth century, however, the world that empires had made changed rapidly.^[1003] World War II was an empire war, in which the conti­nental power of the United States and the Soviet Union and the transoceanic power of Great Britain (and other allies) were mobilized against the upstart empires of Germany, Italy, and Japan. Unlike the case of World War I, where only the empires of the losers were taken apart, France, Britain, and the Netherlands were so badly weakened by World War II that they feared not being able to maintain their col­onies. On the one hand, they no longer had to worry that a rival European em­pire would seek a dominant position and a monopoly on colonial resources. On the other, they needed, or thought they needed, colonial resources for their economic recovery.

In 1945, France and Britain were not yet ready to give up on empire, but they sought to reconfigure it, not least their politics of difference. They both swung toward the inclusive end of the inclusion-differentiation spectrum, hoping to maintain stability and increase production by co-opting better educated, more cos­mopolitan intermediaries whose challenges they had heretofore put down and by improving the conditions of peasants and workers through programs of economic and social development.

So did democratic openings, even limited ones. France took the radical move of suppressing the distinction between citizen and subject; all inhabitants of the overseas territories as of 1946 acquired the quality of citizen. Unlike the citizens of the metropole, those of the overseas territories did not have to come under the French civil code in matters of marriage and inheritance: the postwar constitution purported to respect diversity as well as equality. The government hoped to manage the political implications of this move and gradually extended the franchise. But French administrators did not reckon on the effectiveness of social and polit­ical movements in Africa that were escalating demands for political equality into demands for equal economic and social rights for all citizens. Having staked its le­gitimacy on an inclusive citizenship, the French government was not able to confine the claims for equivalent benefits in the postwar welfare state to the metropole.^[1004]

Britain tried to focus on the individual territory, and even encouraged educated elites to seek office on rural councils—reversing the notion that traditional authen­ticity was appropriate for Africa. But the ambitions of political leaders like Kwame Nkrumah or Jomo Kenyatta could not be confined to peripheral politics; they knew from experience that Accra, Nairobi, or Lagos were seats of colonial governance and that was where the quest for power had to be directed.

Meanwhile, the British Parliament, well aware of the role that dominions and colonies had played in the recent defense of empire, voted in 1948 for an act that created a second-order British citizenship, available to citizens of dominions and subjects in the colonies. This law allowed overseas subjects to travel and settle in the British Isles.

How inclusive could empire become—and still remain empire? And still pro­vide more benefits than burdens to the metropole? France and Britain were caught between the danger of moving too far toward inclusion—at costs, given the pov­erty of many of their colonies, that would be prohibitive—and refusing escalating demands, which could lead to rebellions.

By the 1960s, it was becoming clear that the nation-state would be the normative form of state power, or at least the normative fiction. Portugal—not a democracy at home—held to its nearly 500-year presence in Africa until 1975, and whites in Rhodesia, finding themselves unable to defend racial domination within the British Empire, declared independence in 1965 and defended it in national terms until 1979. In both cases, the quest for African liberation turned bitter and bloody, but it was ultimately impossible to defend colonialism when it was no longer an interna­tional norm and neighboring independent states were offering sanctuary and sup­port to rebel movements. South Africa, the last bastion of white domination, finally gave way in 1994.

The world at the end of the twentieth century was operating on the fiction that all political units were juridically equivalent, even if in most respects they were not. For most of history, political and economic relations took place among units constituted in quite different ways, units that did not regard each other as equals, but were able to reach pragmatic understandings sufficient for carrying out economic and political relations of one sort or another. The Mughal, Chinese, Ottoman, and British empires in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries are all cases in point. In the nineteenth century, European imperialism, with its fiction of civilizational superiority and reality of inter-empire conflict, expressed a way of organizing world relations in a frankly unequal structure. For a few decades after the collapse of empires in the twentieth century, the idea of a single world system of equivalent sovereignties—whatever the differences in cultures and institutions—seemed to be the core principle of international relations.

The heterogeneity of social and political life poses questions within states as well as among them. New states, with their ideologies of national unity, have had to con­front the reality of their diversity—of the layers of imperial conquests, of the arbi­trary boundaries colonial regimes had established, of the structuring of patronage and political mobilization along “ethnic” lines, and of the claims these groupings and alliances, once directed toward colonial states, make on much poorer inde­pendent governments.

Meanwhile, former colonial powers could rewrite their histories as those of a uni­fied nation. The tensions and conflicts that stemmed from the presence of people from the former colonies in France or Britain could be written off as “commu- nalism,” whose roots were in the particularity of other cultures. France and Britain by the 1970s were turning toward a harsher politics of difference, trying to keep out of their newly national space the sons and daughters of people they had once tried to keep in the imperial fold.

But one should take care with generalizations about a post-imperial world. Empires were transforming in various ways, even at the end of the twentieth cen­tury and the beginning of the twenty-first, notably in the former communist world, where the earlier politics of difference failed to hold up under economic stresses and social claims. When the Soviet empire came apart, it fragmented along lines that had been drawn after earlier imperial catastrophes. Most states of eastern Europe restored independence inside borders determined at the end of World War II, while the Soviet Union was divided up by its own communist leaders using boundaries, much adjusted over decades, of the federation’s constituent “national republics.”^[1006] None of the states created or transformed was ethnically homogeneous.

The breakup of the USSR into 15 states gave the titular nationalities—Ukrainians, Uzbeks, etc.—an edge over other groups on their territories, provoking in many areas a resurgence of nationalized politics and nationalized rewritings of history, in some regions out-migration of non-nationals, and in a few contested spaces vio­lence and war. The Russian Federation kept the structures and prospects of a mul­tinational entity alive, and after abandoning communist atheism, reverted to the tsarist strategy of recognizing, controlling, and utilizing multiple faiths.

After a brief interlude of economic chaos (transition to capitalism, Russian- style) and unfamiliar civic freedoms, the state recovered its imperial swagger and began to take in, through warfare, diplomacy, and institutional penetration, ter­ritories of the former Soviet empire, ominously labeled its “near abroad.” In these efforts at re-extension, Russian leaders appeal to their long history of protecting both national minorities (Ossetians and Abkhazians were supposedly at risk in independent Georgia) and Russian ethnics (in Ukraine). This multivalent politics of difference allows Russia’s ambitious post-Soviet leadership to promote a new transcontinental alliance: the Eurasian Union, of enticingly vague, even Mongol- size dimensions, in which linguistic, confessional, and ethnic differences can once again be submerged in a new “friendship of nations” and an integrated, manipu- lable transcontinental market.^[1007]

The articulation of statehood with diversity remains ambiguous in these and other terrains around the world. Empires leave long shadows, but they also cast light on future variants of the politics of difference.

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