Religion, Art, and State Ideology
The royal court in the capital city formed the pivot around which the empire was structured and organized. As a social institution, it was set within the spatial framework of the imperial palaces.
Physically, it was a locale for the king and elite to interact, and the focal point of the state administration. As a setting, it was a main venue for the advertisement and manifestation of royal power and ideology, and a conspicuous backdrop for military reviews, political negotiations, and the reception of foreign dignitaries.[293]Assyria had a number of royal and provincial palaces, and the imperial capital moved several times. During the early empire, Tukulti-Ninurta I (ca. 1244-1208 bce) made an effort to move his residence from its traditional seat in Assur to a newly constructed city on the opposite bank of the Tigris River. He failed, and was ultimately murdered, in part presumably due to the resistance to his project by the urban elites of Assur. The first successful relocation of the seat of royal power took place in the early ninth century bce when Assurnasirpal moved the state capital to the city of Kalhu, almost 100 kilometers upriver.
The urban layout and program of decoration chosen for this new royal palace reflects the confident self-perception of a reviving empire. It reinterprets the traditional functions of a royal seat and publicizes abstract concepts of rule and universal dominance through the symbolic appropriation of space. Its art was set to glorify the ruler and celebrate the universal empire. It emphasizes social hierarchies and defined actions, mobilizes societal core ambitions, forming a system of communication and representation and an instrument of state integration through the symbolic language of power.[294] Monumental inscriptions were carved onto the palace walls in the cuneiform script; together with statuary and stone reliefs, they form an artistic unit, set to convey an official notion of kingship that justifies both political convergence and the physical separation between ruler and ruled.[295]
It is hard to say to what extent such monumental backdrops contributed to the formation of a state-wide elite identity, but there were clearly competing ideas about hegemony in circulation.
The surviving correspondence between kings and royal scholars[296] shows that opposing views were present at court, and that political rivalry was an important royal mechanism of elite control. A retinue of scholarly advisors guided royal decision-making through the observation and analysis of omens and the performance of rituals.[297] Extensive libraries holding a range of scholarly works were assembled in the state capitals and the imperial palaces.[298] This was the intellectual environment within which Assyrian imperial ideology was formed and transformed; a process which one can follow at times in the correspondence of the individuals involved.[299] To what degree the narrative passages of the royal annals and carved scenes of the palaces were the result of the personal preference of the individual rulers is debatable, but the scholars and artisans clearly worked for an audience whose essential values and ideas they would want to capture and perhaps reshape to provide with new and enhanced meaning.Beyond the visual apparatus of the royal palaces, a characteristic imperial iconography was designed and disseminated through smaller media. A distinctive design kit co-opted well-known and easily recognizable symbols of power into particular contexts, including royal furniture, jewelry, and drinking sets. Such material elements of elite culture were appropriated by both local and foreign leaders, and used to legitimize and accentuate current relations of power through imitation. As the empire expanded and became increasingly culturally and politically diverse, graphic representations took on a growing importance as a vehicle for immediately decipherable and translatable claims to political authority. Significant parts of this “royal package” were ultimately passed down alongside the palace blueprint to succeeding states from India to Iberia.[300]
Assyria bolstered its dominance in elite art through the development of a distinctive iconography that tied certain symbols directly to the executive power of particular institutions.
A case in point are the so-called bureau seals, which were associated with a precise household and could be identified through iconography alone.[301] These were not only an innovation that allowed officials to manage the delegation of institutional authority within the rapidly expanding empire of the ninth century bce. The extension from traditional cylindrical inscribed seals to non-inscribed and impersonal stamp seals also meant that messages of imperial presence were constantly circulated and rendered immediately present and prolific among a geographically dispersed body of imperial subjects. The iconography of the bureau seals would broadcast short coded messages in a way similar to later coinage, and in fact, the characteristic seal of the Assyrian “royal bureau” that shows the king as a slayer of a lion was appropriated into later Achaemenid iconography and found its way onto the silver coins of fourth-century bce Sidon.Particular to Assyrian visual art was the extensive use of historical narrative to relay imperial claims to universal power.[302] The astonishing scale on which the state represented itself through this medium is unrivaled in the ancient world, with more than three kilometers of decorated relief panels uncovered in the so-called NorthWest Palace of Assurnasirpal II at Kalhu alone. A new historiographical genre was developed alongside the visual representations[303] to situate and explain political events through lengthy poetic discourse.
The impact of such vehicles of imperial ideology upon its audience is perhaps best revealed by the systematic way in which they were targeted by the forces who laid waste to the empire in the late seventh century bce.[304] Hundreds of images were laboriously altered through chiseling and hammering to relay a counter-message of liberation and imperial collapse. In one example, a lion—the Assyrian king's enemy—was set free from the hold of the king by someone cutting its tail in the image.[305] In another elaborate example, the king's face was mutilated, his wrists severed, and his bowstring cut.[306] This pointed destruction underlines the importance of imperial iconography and hints at the power of its imagery.
Assyrian imperial religion and ideology legitimized domination and provided a rationale for territorial growth, but a particular creed was not proselytized.[307] Religion was inclusive in character and the power of deities was considered uni- versal.[308] A theologization of the cult of Assur was introduced during the early empire period, which promoted his image in particular as world ruler.[309] Kingship had in essence been religious in character at least since the city-state period,[310] but with the rise of the empire, the king's role as interlocutor of Assur's property became increasingly emphasized in state-sanctioned representations.[311] The ruler was portrayed as the result of a separate act of creation, and sometimes stated to belong to a distinct physical category between gods and humankind.[312] However, unlike Egypt or Hatti, deification of the king (living or dead) did not take place. The ruler was a physical agent and a link between humans and deities; he was presented alternately as a being of supernatural perfection, and the humble shepherd under God's bidding. The historical role of the king as a primus inter pares thus remained conceptually intact, even if it had become increasingly hypocritical in practice.
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