The Baltic as a Dutch Lake
Hanseatic trade suffered setbacks on all fronts at the turn of the sixteenth century. The old trading system based on privileges proved inadequate in the face of growing economic competition and the increasing power of the European monarchies.
One particular rivalry existed between the Dutch and Zeelanders, on the one hand, and Hanseatic cities, suchas Lübeck, Wismar, Rostock, Stralsund and Greifswald, on the other, which saw their position threatened in the intermediary trade and freight transport along the east-west route. One important prerequisite for the expansion of Dutch shipping and Dutch business in general during the fifteenth century was the natural environment itself. Because their mediocre soil and the high cost of drainage made grain cultivation unprofitable, the Dutch concentrated on alternative products. The peasants specialised in livestock husbandry and dairy farming; they also cultivated industrial crops and fodder crops such as flax, madder and rapeseed along with tobacco, hops and turnips. Many of these products were sold mainly to businesses in the cities. Fishing and shipping, which were traditional activities, also expanded. The Dutch traded their own products to finance their continuous need to import grain. Over time, they garnered fairly significant shares of the market for their beer, textiles, North Sea herring and a number of cheaper variants of branded Flemish and Hanseatic products.[623] The increasing demand for freight capacity for the burgeoning trade opened the door to the Baltic for the Dutch and Zeelanders. By 1580, half of all Danzig imports and exports were transported by Dutch ships, and the proportion of Dutch shippers in the Baltic trade grew from 60 percent to 70 percent during the seventeenth century.[624]
Starting in the sixteenth century, the Baltic cities began to limit their assortment of wares, concentrating on the export of bulk products, such as grain and wood.
The productive regions in the Baltic hinterlands became ever more closely integrated into the overall European economy. The most important Western European imports included herring and salt. Foreign contemporaries, such as the seventeenth-century English ambassador George Downing, viewed such economic success in the Baltic trade with misgivings. Thus, in a letter he wrote, ‘The herring trade [of the Dutch] is the cause of the salt trade, and the herring and salt trade are the causes of the country’s having, in a manner, wholly engrossed the trade of the Baltic Sea for they have these bulky goods to load their ships with thither.’[625] Although herring was praised as the ‘golden food’ of the Dutch, their Baltic trade and economy generally were not based on it alone.The Baltic trade was of central significance to the Dutch economy for such a long period of time that they rightly viewed it as the moedercom- mercie (mother of all commerce). The grain imported from the Baltic region fed approximately one-third of the Dutch population and freed up Dutch agriculture for more profitable production. In the end, that trade enabled the Dutch to find a footing in completely different areas of commerce. For example, the Dutch were able to exploit their Baltic grain monopoly when crops failed in Western and Southern Europe toward the end of the sixteenth century. As a result, they came to control not only grain and wood exports from the Baltic, but also the export of Western manufactured and luxury products in the other direction. The Hanseatic cities in the Baltic region had to make do with a small proportion of the east-west trade because of their higher freight tariffs and lower transport capacities, although they continued to dominate trade and shipping within the Baltic itself.[626]
The second important Baltic export, wood, was, like its by-products pitch, tar and ash, used in shipbuilding and other types of production. Dutch shipbuilding was already innovative.
But this cheap supply of shipbuilding materials, to which were added flax and hemp for sails and rope, ensured that Dutch shipping rates would be low as well. Herring processing required large quantities of manufactured barrel staves, so- called clapholts, from the Baltic, while other businesses, such as soapmakers, were major consumers of potash from Danzig and Konigsberg.Dutch dominance, which was based on their trade in grain, timber and forest products and the shipping capacity needed to make that trade flow, remained unrivalled until the second half of the seventeenth century, when the English Baltic trade began to surge. Over the course of the sixteenth century, Dutch imports of grain alone grew from approximately 19,000 lasts in 1500 to 80,000 lasts in 1567. (A last of grain, it should be noted, was approximately two metric tons, varying somewhat from location to location.) The volume of trade, especially grain trade, continued to increase in the waning years of the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth, but it then diminished during the second half of the century.[627]
The development of a ship called the fluyt (flute) or fly-ship, which according to one popular legend was first built in 1590 in Hoorn, is credited with sparking the Dutch boom in the Baltic trade. The fly-ship conferred a number of advantages on Dutch shipbuilders and shippers. It was built of light wood, and it was constructed in large numbers based on a standardised design. It was also suited to many different types of use.[628] The standardisation minimised not only production costs but operational costs as well. In the following century, the fly-ship became the model for Baltic shipbuilders because Dutch shipwrights brought their expertise with them when they were hired by the shipyards of Altona, Copenhagen, Stockholm, Danzig, Riga and later even St Petersburg to modernise the local industry. Hanseatic shipbuilding guilds forbade Dutch shipbuilders from being hired or even presenting their knowledge, which slowed down the adoption of state-of-the-art technology.
The export curves for timber and forest products such as potash, pitch and tar, which served the needs of shipbuilders and businesses in Western Europe, approximated those of grain exports. They had risen since the end of the sixteenth century and reached a high point in the 1630s and 1640s, after which they receded. They then grew continuously after the last quarter of the seventeenth century, which often brought about significant changes in the importance of the various ports and hinterland areas. Although Danzig remained the most important port for the export of grain and wood over the entire period, other ports exceeded it from time to time for certain products. These included the ports of Konigsberg (for wood), Riga (wood, flax, hemp) and Narva (wood) as well as smaller Swedish and Finnish ports (for tar).[629]
The Dutch not only imported food and raw materials from the Baltic and exported Western commodities to the area, they also transferred people, knowledge, technology and culture (art, science and life-styles). Among Western European immigrants to the Baltic we may distinguish five groups: peasants, craftsmen, merchants, sailors and artists. While Dutch Mennonite colonists, skilled in land improvement, were settled by landowners in the fertile marshlands of Royal Prussia, Calvinist cloth-makers emigrated from the southern Netherlands into the Baltic, revolutionising the cloth industries of Konigsberg and Danzig. Dutch immigrants innovated silk weaving and embroidery in Danzig. Most important were the communities of foreign merchants, who settled in harbour towns. Family ties were key: usually a son or a younger brother was sent from Amsterdam to Danzig to establish his residence there and to manage the family business as a resident or a citizen of Danzig. Other merchants maintained their trade relations with the help of Dutch factors residing in Danzig. Their number rose from around fifty in the midseventeenth century to seventy-five in the second half of the century.
English and Scottish merchants also settled in these towns and cities. Most of the Scottish immigrants to the Baltic were pedlars, who travelled through Pomerania, Ducal Prussia and Poland as hawkers, selling cloth, metal, tools, salt and other imported goods in the country and at fairs. Furthermore, sailors and captains from the Netherlands with their expertise manned the Danish and Swedish naval fleets. They disseminated also navigation manuals, such as Claes Hendrickszoon Gietermaker’s ‘t Vergulde licht der zeevaert ofte konst der stuurlieden (1659) and Schat-kamer ofte kunst der stuurlieden (1702) by Klaas de Vries, which were in use in the Baltic until the early nineteenth century.The last and perhaps most interesting group of Western European immigrants to the Baltic were artisans and artists. Fayenciers introduced the manufacture of delftware, furniture carpenters, embellishing bourgeois and noble houses with dernier cri furniture, and tapestry weavers arrived from the southern Netherlands. Architects such as Antoni van Obberghen, painters such as Jan Vredeman de Vries, and engravers such as Willem Hondius, settled in Danzig and received public and private commissions.[630]
The visual arts, especially painting and architecture, were a crucial medium of cultural exchange. The effect of the art of the Low Countries on the Baltic region is reflected in the export of styles, paintings and painters. Paintings by Dutch artists or in Dutch style can be traced in royal, noble, municipal and even bourgeois collections. Dutch artists such as Jan Vredeman de Vries, Willem and Abraham van der Blocke in Danzig or Jacob Coning and Pieter van den Hult in Copenhagen worked for municipal and bourgeois patrons, but not for a public art market as in the Dutch Republic.27 An example is the Steenwinckel family. Hans van Steenwinckel the Elder, who was born c. 1545 in Antwerp, became one of the master bricklayers of Antoni van Obberghen, the great architect of Danzig, who asked van Steenwinckel to assist him in the building of Kronborg castle.
From 1585 onwards he lived and worked in Copenhagen. In 1588 the new king Christian IV appointed him government architect. From this moment on his main tasks were modernising the maritime fortifications on the Swedish and Norwegian coasts and laying out a completely new town, Christianopel (1599). He himself was most proud of the fortifications of Halmstad, as is to be read on his gravestone in the Nicolaikirke of this town, where he died in 1601. The work was continued by his sons Hans van Steenwinckel the Younger (1587-1639) and Lourens (c. 1585-1619). The brothers were involved in most of the huge building activities Christian IV started in the first two decades of the seventeenth century (Royal Chapel in Roskilde, 1617 and the Bourse of Copenhagen, 1619).When we look at the prospect of Copenhagen by Jan Dircksen after a painting by Jan van Wijck from 1611 we see many recently built merchant houses with gables in Dutch renaissance style. When Christian IV ‘granted’ buildings to the Copenhagen burgers, he showed a preference for the Dutch renaissance style, as can be seen in the city hall, the orphanage, set up after a Dutch model, and the Bourse. Housing projects, again after Dutch models, were started for sailors and textile-workers. ‘Dutch’ must have symbolised modern government, modern welfare, modern
affairs, pp. 19-32; K. Ciesielska, ‘Osadnictow „ol^nderskie’ w Prusach Krolewskich i na Kujawach w swietle kontraktow osadniczych’, in Studia i materialy do dziejow Wielkopolski i Pomorza, II (Poznan, 1958), pp. 219-56; Edmund Kizik, Mennonici w Gdansku, Elblqgu i na Zulawach wislanych w drugiejpotowie XVII i w XVIII wieku (Gdansk, 1994).
27 Juliette Roding, ‘The myth of the Dutch Renaissance in Denmark: Dutch influence on Danish architecture in the 17th century’, in Lemmink and van Koningsbrugge, eds., Baltic affairs, pp. 343-53; Juliette Roding, ‘The North Sea coasts, an architectural unity?’, in Juliette Roding and Lex Heerma van Voss, eds., The North Sea and culture (1550-1800), Proceedings of the international conference held at Leiden, 21-22 April 1995 (Hilversum, 1996), pp. 95-106. trade and industry. From Holland came the many engineers who laid out new towns and fortifications.
To find Dutch renaissance architecture on a similar scale as in Denmark one has to turn to the southern coast of the Baltic Sea, where Danzig attracted many architects, engineers and artists from the middle of the sixteenth century until the late seventeenth century, among them great names like Anthoni van Obbergen, who moved from Denmark to Poland in 1586, and Jan Vredeman de Vries. The buildings in Danzig were constructed with the bricks which Dutch ships took with them as ballast when they went to this town to load grain.
These architects and engineers were active not only in Danzig but in other coastal towns, and towns along and close to the rivers flowing into the Baltic Sea, as well. East of Danzig, for the period until 1650 we can mention: Elbing, Thorn, Neidenburg, Braunsberg, Pillau, Konigsberg, Memel and Riga. In northern Germany we furthermore find their influence in Bremen, Rostock, Lübeck and Stralsund. So we witness indeed a Dutch-influenced Baltic Sea culture in the field of urban planning and architecture.[631]
More on the topic The Baltic as a Dutch Lake:
- From prehistoric times the Baltic Sea region has witnessed a closely connected settlement of different ethnic and linguistic communities, for example of Germanic, Slavonic, Baltic or Finno-Ugric origin.
- The ‘Ottoman Lake’
- 37 The Rise of the Dutch
- The Baltic as a Crossroads to Other Seas and Oceans
- Medieval and Modern Notions of the Baltic Sea
- The Second Baltic Crusade
- The Baltic Front
- Conclusion: The Baltic Sea as a Model Region
- The Dutch Republic
- The Upswing in Baltic Trade
- A Short Sketch of Dutch dha.la.ssocra.cy
- Capital versus coercion: England, the Dutch Republic and France
- 31 The Dutch Seaborne Empire
- The Baltic Sea as a Contact Zone: The Hanseatic League
- The Baltic Slavs
- Baltic religion
- The Baltic Sea