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The Political Order

Before the arrival of the Varangians, tribal units constituted the major political entities among the East Slavs. What little is known about this tribal system indicates that extensive authority rested in the hands of clan and tribal leaders who exercised it according to custom and tradition.

Meeting in tribal councils to achieve a consensus, these patriarchal figures dominated political activity from the lowest level – that of the commune (mir, zadruga) – to the highest – that of the tribal confederation, demonstrated by the Polianians, Severians, and Derevlianians. The centers of political power were located in the numerous tribal stockades situated in forest clearings or on elevated places around which the tribesmen lived.

Upon this East Slavic tribal system, the Varangians imposed their commercially and militarily oriented forms of organization that established a degree of order and unity among the native tribes, thus allowing them to carry out their exploitative operations more efficiently. The major “shareholders” of their commercial enterprises were the members of the Riurikid dynasty and to them went most of the profits and power. But because these princes greatly depended on their retainers or druzhyna, they also had to share a significant portion of their gains with them. Indeed, keeping the retinue satisfied so that it would not go off to a rival prince was one of the major concerns of the early Kievan rulers. With the expansion of Varangian control, political power was centered in the cities that sprang up along the major trade routes. The foremost of these was Kiev.

The extent to which the Kievan princes were able to monopolize power varied greatly. Up to the reign of Iaroslav the Wise in the mid 11th century, the most ambitious, talented, and ruthless members of the dynasty managed repeatedly to establish themselves in Kiev and to assert their exclusive authority over their brothers and other rivals.

During this period of strongman rule, centrifugal tendencies were contained and cohesion was maintained. In the wake of Iaroslav’s reform of the succession system by which each member of the rapidly expanding Riurikid dynasty actually or theoretically gained a share in the realm, decentralization of power set in, with the result that the Grand Prince of Kiev eventually became little more than the titular head of an incessantly feuding, dynastically linked conglomeration of principalities.

Having sketched in broad outline the political development of Kievan Rus’, we need next to examine the institutions through which power was exercised. Of these, the most important were the office of prince, the boyar council (duma), and the town assembly (viche). These institutions were associated with the monarchic, aristocratic, and democratic tendencies that were a part of the Kievan political order. In return for the power and prestige that the prince enjoyed, he was expected to provide justice, order, and protection for his subjects. In performing his military functions, the prince depended first and foremost on his druzhyna. When larger military forces were required, town militias or, more rarely, general levies were summoned. The size of these forces was relatively small, averaging about 2000–3000 men or even fewer. As in the case of other pre-state societies, officials such as chamberlains, stewards, and the like, who supervised a prince’s personal household, were also used to administer the principality as a whole because distinctions were blurred between the public and private domains. To govern more distant towns and provinces, the princes appointed governors (posadnyky), usually chosen from among members of their own families.

On the local level, a prince’s will was enforced by the tysiatsky (commander) of the local militia and his subordinates. Justice was administered by the prince and his officials according to Iaroslav the Wise’s codification of Ruska pravda.

Clearly, the office of prince was of central importance in Kievan government, but the fact that this single institution had to fulfill military, judicial, and administrative functions is also an indication of how relatively unspecialized and rudimentary the entire system was.

To finance their activities, the princes depended at first on tribute. Later, a more elaborate system of taxation evolved that encompassed each extended household (called a “hearth” or “plow”). Other sources of princely revenue were tariffs on trade, judicial fees, and fines. Fines were an important source of income because Kievan laws called primarily for such payments rather than capital punishment for criminal acts.

For advice and support, the prince depended on the boyar council or duma, an institution that had evolved from the senior members of the druzhyna, many of whom were descendants of the Varangian warlords or Slavic tribal leaders. Later, the higher clergy also won a place on this council. The functions of the duma were never clearly defined nor was the prince obligated to consult it. However, if he failed to do so he risked the possibility that this influential body and its constituency, the boyar elite, would refuse to support his undertakings. Therefore, the princes usually took the views of their boyar council into account.

Representing the democratic aspect of the Kievan political order was the viche, or town assembly, which predated the institution of prince and the roots of which probably lay in the tribal councils of the East Slavs. It was called by the prince or the townsmen to consult or express public opinion, as the need arose. Among the issues the assembly discussed were war, the negotiation of treaties, princely succession, appointments to offices, and military organization. While the assembly could criticize or applaud princely policies, it could not formulate its own policies or legislate laws. However, when a new prince ascended the throne, the viche did have the right to enter into a formal agreement, or riad, with him whereby, in return for its acceptance of his rule, the prince agreed not to overstep the traditional limits of his authority with regard to it. Although heads of households had the right to participate, the urban merchant elite tended to dominate these assemblies, often using them as a forum for factional disputes.

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Source: Subtelny Orest. Ukraine: A History. Fourth Edition. — University of Toronto Press,2009. — 888 ð.. 2009

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