Conclusion
The kings of the Arsacid and Sasanian dynasties developed powerful and enduring responses to the changing demographic and political forces within their empires and external pressures from the Mediterranean and Central Asia.
Throughout this eight-century period of history, multiple centralizing processes transformed the cultural, political, military, and economic landscape of Iran and Mesopotamia. This process was neither linear nor constant, but rather occurred in a number of concentrated bursts, often in response to internal and external threats. Both dynasties experimented with different strategies to maximize their logistical and organizational capacity to project power, on the one hand, and, on the other, to provide safeguards and assurances that those capacities were the sole control of the king of kings. Even in the late Sasanian period, in the reigns of Husraw I and Husraw II when this growing concentration of power peaked, it was effected through a simultaneous dispersal of power and resources of the high aristocracy, in effect hollowing out the upper-middle to benefit the upper-base, but mostly the apex.The Arsacids took a more incremental approach compared to the Sasanians and were more successful in gaining support across an incredibly diverse array of powerbases, benefiting economically and militarily from the flexibility this system offered despite the volatility it injected. The Sasanians, on the other hand, appear to have made a decision early on to favour control and stability even if it meant momentarily forfeiting the trade or diplomatic networks that semiindependent cities could call on. While these networks could be quickly rebuilt (often more powerfully, albeit simultaneously with greater brittleness), dealing with the nobility proved more difficult. In order to ensure the preeminence of the Sasanian kings of kings, these monarchs created institutions that atomized the sources of the empire's political and economic capacities and made them more and more dependent on the king of kings for the system to be properly and effectively mobilized.
The subordination and eventual subjection of semi- autonomous city states, replacement of provincial kings with members of the royal family, the shift to the marzbans, then reliance on dehgans all ensured that no provincial power base could mobilize sufficient resources to rival the king of kings. Similarly, the fact that the Sasanian dynasty subsumed the sites and legacy of the Achaemenids and created new sites and narratives to cement their place as the only rightful heirs of the eastern Iranian Kayanid tradition ensured that while powerful generals could take power, such as the Parthian Wahram Cubin or Persian Sahrwaraz, their claim to re-establish the rights of the Arsacids or efforts to provide an alternative Persian family did not confer on them the royal aura or legitimacy to hold it, despite the weakness of the Sasanian kings they faced. Once the empire's center of gravity, the Sasanian king of kings, was removed, first through a coup after the invasions of Heraclius or through exile and death in the case of Yazdgerd III, the system collapsed, despite the fact that the Iranian core of the empire, untouched from the Roman wars, still had the logistical, economic and demographic capacities to resist the Arab invasions.From a broader historical perspective, the Arsacid, Sasanian and Arab empires began just as those of the Achaemenids and Alexander- with a revolution from or opportunism of a current or former province, rather than a truly external conquest like the Mongols or the European conquest of the New World. In effect they built their territorial, legal, political and cosmological powers and prerogatives before they had the capabilities to truly actualize them, but nevertheless ultimately succeeded in reshaping the course of Mediterranean, Western, Central and South Asian history.[930] They capitalized on instability, weakness or overreach within the previous order and succeeded first because of their insider knowledge of how to momentarily operate the old system, and then subsequently because of the vision and ability to presciently remake it to match current realities and shape future geopolitical possibilities.
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