The Birth of a Composite Monarchy: Medieval Foundations and Institutional Framework
The most obvious driver of the formation of the Hispanic monarchy in the sixteenth century was the dynamic expansion of the peninsula's Christian kingdoms, whose frontiers were pushed both north and south.
These medieval kingdoms were the product of several parallel processes—the expansion of warring aristocracies, military orders, and the Church—whose sovereign centers were consolidated from the tenth to the twelfth centuries (e.g., the Castilian-Leonese Confederation from 1260; the Kingdom of Navarre; the counts of Barcelona; and the kings of Aragon). In the north, they came into conflict with the Kingdom of France, while in the south they competed with Cordoba's Umayyad Caliphate, which was dominated by the Almohad and Almoravid clans from North Africa. The Portuguese Avis dynasty became the ruling power in the westernmost portion of the peninsula, and despite the modesty of its European territory, it would expand enormously, first in Africa, and later in America and Asia. In the thirteenth century, the Aragonese Crown could no longer expand north due to the strength of its neighboring kingdom. Despite this, the counts of Barcelona and the kings of Aragon held dominions beyond the Pyrenees until the Treaty of the Pyrenees of 1659 that ended the war between Philip IV and Louis XIV. Before its partial conquest by Castile in 1516, the struggle over the Kingdom of Navarre—which was split in two by the Pyrenees—was significant, and indeed marked the frontier between Roman Catholicism and Calvinist Protestantism on the peninsula.The struggle in the south was characterized by a continuous southward push of the frontier separating the Christian kingdoms from those territories ruled by the Caliphate. The 1212 Battle of the Navas de Tolosa—between the armies of Alfonso
III of Castile, Peter II of Aragon, and Sancho VII of Navarre, with the significant intervention of the archiepiscopal authority of Toledo—signaled a point of no return between two worlds that had been in close contact for centuries.
Such contact, of course, had been marked by episodes of hostility amidst peaceful trading relations (including the trade in slaves). The misnamed Reconquest (Reconquista)—a Spanish nationalist and Catholic myth—was in fact a drawn-out, concurrent process of military conquests by feudal lords, along with the expansion of the agricultural frontier southward by successive waves of settlers. In some places, Andalusian populations were displaced or enslaved (e.g., Baleares), while in others they were governed by colonial statutes.3 This latter situation characterized most of the territories of the Kingdom of Aragon in the Ebro Valley, the kingdoms of Valencia and Murcia, and the Alpujarras (part of the Kingdom of Granada, the last Muslim bastion to fall, ruled by the Nasrid dynasty). The conquest of the North African enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, as well as the Canary Islands—where the enslavement and slaughter of the inhabitants surpassed the worst cases on the peninsula— concluded a centuries-long model of war and population resettlement that had been dominant on the Iberian peninsula.It was in this context that the kingdoms of Castile and Aragon formed their dynastic alliance. The 1469 marriage between Ferdinand II and Isabella I, the so-called Catholic monarchs, and their ascension to the throne 10 years later, represented the fusion of two different visions of rule: that of the Aragonese king—Mediterranean, Neapolitan, and Italian—and that of the queen from the Castilian plateau—a warring land whose only access to the sea came through Basque seamen, along with the conquest of Murcia and western Andalusia. That dynastic alliance also represented the basis of the Catholic monarchy with its European, African, Atlantic, and American projection, one of the greatest conglomerations of territorial power of its time. In the Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494, Pope Alexander II arbitrated between the “reyes Catolicos” of Castile and Aragon and John II of Portugal, drawing a north-south line in the Atlantic that granted the Spanish any new territories discovered west of the Antilles, and the Portuguese any territories to its east, up to the Cape of Good Hope.
In the early 1500s, dynastic alliances through monarchical marriages put Emperor Charles of Habsburg on the Spanish throne. To this were added a number of domains inherited from his mother, Queen Margaret, in Flanders and Burgundy. And in addition to the various Spanish titles, as son and successor of Emperor Maximilian, Charles was also the elected crown of the Holy Roman Empire. This complicated dynastic framework therefore cast a powerful imperial net across Europe as well as the vast spaces beyond the Atlantic.Along with their domains, Charles also inherited his parents' enemies, in particular the French kings, with whom he had several border conflicts (for instance, over the Navarre lands north of the Pyrenees cited earlier, as well as northern Italy). He inherited, as well, the enmity of the Ottoman Turks, religious rivals whom his
ancestors had fought for nearly a century over control of the Mediterranean. These conflicts eroded Castile's capacity for war at the same time that Charles' position as Carolingian heir imposed on him the task of asserting authority over the rest of the continental powers. And as if this was not enough, the Protestant Reformation undermined the papacy's role as a diplomatic and military arbiter, something that the Holy Roman emperor was supposed to represent. In the Atlantic, the Dutch Provinces (1568-1581) and England since the 1580s no longer accepted the authority of the papal concessions to the Spanish Catholic king.
Charles and his successor Philip, through sustained imperial efforts, consolidated the three Iberian monarchies—that is, the crowns of Castile, the Aragon, and Portugal (however unevenly)—through a mixed strategy of inheritance and conquest, on and off the peninsula. Meanwhile, several factors conspired to shrink the empire in Europe: wars with France; the failure of the Spanish Armada off Great Britain; continued reform in Germany and Northern Europe; and finally, the shifting of imperial priority toward the New World, Africa, and Asia.
Each of these shaped the formation of the sixteenth-century Spanish Empire. And the fact that the empire consisted of a variety of political units—each with different social and economic histories, and a different set of relationships within a set of overlapping international trading networks—meant that it was also characterized by a wide variety of administrative and political traditions. For example, the territories under the Crown of Aragon were governed by a council responsible for the Kingdom of Aragon, the Principality of Catalonia and Valencia, and the kingdoms of Mallorca and Naples. The Council of Castile, on the other hand, governed the kingdoms of Castile and Leon directly, while the old Kingdom of Galicia had kept its junta. This was also the case with the Kingdom of Navarre after Ferdinand the Catholic incorporated it into the monarchy in 1512: It remained, for all intents and purposes, autonomous. The Council of Castile would end up centralizing monarchical power, not only because of the social significance of the Castilian kingdom itself, but also because of the crown's direct control over fiscal policy. The Spanish Crown's Italian possessions—Naples, Sicily, and the Duchy of Milan—were governed by the Council of Aragon until they formed their own council in 1555. As wards of the Spanish monarchs, the lands of the Burgundian inheritance and the German domains were governed according to their own laws and privileges. In 1555-1556, Charles V abdicated his Austrian Habsburg possessions to his brother Ferdinand I, and the territories of the Duke of Burgundy, as well as the crowns of Aragon and Castile, to his son Philip II.If such continental entanglements were not enough, Castile's significance increased greatly when it incorporated American territories (in what was called an “accessory union” by the seventeenth-century jurist Juan de Solorzano Pereira). And with Philip II's accession to the Portuguese throne in 1580, this complex latticework was augmented further by the peninsular domains of the Avis dynasty and their important network offeitorias, or trading posts, across coastal Africa, South Asia, and even Japan.
When Spanish domains retreated subsequently—through the combined effect of the Protestant Reform, the wars with France, the successful proto-national revolution in the Low Countries, and the separation of Portugal in 1640—the remaining territories (e.g., peninsular, Italian, and Castilian-American) continued to be governed through their own particular constitutions and laws. Despite unevenness and conflict, the Spanish Empire survived in this manner until the dynastic changes of the early eighteenth century. Within this scheme of legal pluralism, the Inquisition Tribunal was the sole exception. Given its crucial role in sustaining Catholic unity, as well as in securing the Spanish monarch's key role in this religious cleansing of the realm, the Inquisition Tribunal exercised its authority across all of the Crown's domains.This tradition of governance through separate Councils continued despite conflicts, either within the Councils themselves, or between them and the Crown. At the heart of each was the ongoing struggle between the Royal Treasury and the aristocracy, both of whom were seeking new sources of income, usually at the expense of other sectors, such as prosperous farmers or the indebted urban elite. In the fifteenth century, for instance, conflicts over peasants' compulsory labor (remenga) resulted in a long and bloody civil war in Catalonia (1462-1472). A similar issue lay behind the Irmandino Wars (1467-1470) in Galicia. In the first decades of the sixteenth century, conflict erupted in the prosperous city of Valencia and its agrarian hinterland, which was very similar to the troubles that afflicted the kingdom of Mallorca. These were urban revolts against the excessive demands of both the Crown and the local aristocracy, which spread to the countryside and transformed into rebellions against feudal demands. Those years also witnessed the two Palermo revolts, which the king—fearing French intervention in the island—r epressed heavily. Most politically significant, however, was the early sixteenth-century uprising of the Castilian cities against the interference of Emperor Charles and his foreign court in Castilian affairs.
The 1521 defeat of the Castilian league of cities in Villalar gave the monarch free rein in the Cortes, where the defeated cities had been significant players.During the following decades, moreover, internal conflict in the American territories increased greatly. The first generation of conquistadors tried to maintain control over the American territories (along with the labor of the indigenous population). The Crown, in turn, issued new legislation to curb their feudalizing ambitions. The so-called encomendero revolts, alongside the related civil wars between the Spaniards, threatened to slow the consolidation of the first European communities in the New World. In New Spain, pressure from the encomenderos led to the temporary suspension of the new legislation, so that the direct relations between the Indians and the encomenderos that the Crown had wished to suppress continued unchecked. Nevertheless, the encomenderos, although they had the support of the highest civil and religious authorities in Mexico, could not prevent the Crown from changing the encomienda itself— that is, the existing system of enforced native labor—into so-called repartimientos (community shared work). The encomiendas were thus transformed into institutions with limited heredity. In Tawantinsuyu, the former Inca Empire, open war between the followers of the Pizarro brothers and Diego de Almagro raged on and off from the 1530s through the mid-1550s (indeed, this long conflict set the scene for the encomendero revolt of 1544). It was only in 1554 that Viceregal authority finally prevailed. The American territories could only be said to have been stabilized with the liquidation of the encomenderos, along with the organizational reform of religious and secular institutions.
In Europe, however—especially in the 1530s and 1540s, regardless of the consolidation of the imperial frontier or the accommodation of its many territorial elites—political and religious fault lines continued to shape the features of the empire. It gave the empire a sense of being a threatened citadel. For an imperial polity whose essence lay in the conqueror society of Castile, rivalries with the Turks in the western Mediterranean were no minor matter. They were linked, after all, with the defense of the western peninsular coast, the Balearic Islands, and the Crown's Italian domains. Spain's failed takeover of Algiers in 1519 initiated this stage of the conflict, and remained active until 1571 and the Battle of Lepanto, which settled the various Mediterranean spheres of influence. The struggle to impose religious unity across the kingdom (often through suppression of minorities) led to the parallel persecution of so-called Judaizers (baptized Jews of doubtful conviction) as well as the remaining Andalusian populace. This culminated in the two expulsions of the “Moorish” (morisco) population: the first came after the Granada War in 1568, and the second in 1609, when the pre-conquest inhabitants of the Kingdom of Aragon were “asked” to leave. From that time forward, the tribunals of the Holy Office were charged with guaranteeing Catholic homogeneity vis-à-vis non-Catholics (which included alumbrados—the Spanish word for Protestants). In the context of such internecine struggle, a belief that heresy was a hereditary characteristic (a notion that magnified the perceived danger that non-Catholics posed) led to the development of a concept of “purity of blood” (limpieza de sangre, or blood cleansing). This sinister instrument of Catholic unity would, in turn, be exported to America, where it would have unexpected consequences, creating a colonial society based upon an ambiguous but central taxonomy that was rooted in genealogy, or “caste.”[1953]
But the deepest blow to the Spanish Crown's aspiration to universality came in the form of the Protestant Reformation, especially in its German territories. Since the Inter Caetera papal bull of 1493 (and the subsequent Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494), which had defined the Spanish and Portuguese division of the New World, Spanish kings had acted upon a very precise theory of world sovereignty. In practice, that placed a heavy responsibility on the back of the monarchy. Adding to this burden, the Council of Trent—which attempted to reform Catholicism—failed to stop the expansion of Protestantism in Central Europe and the North Atlantic. Two branches—Calvinist and Lutheran—developed, in addition to the Church of England, which formed a separate and nationalistic denomination under the auspices of the king of England in 1534. The major Atlantic empires would reproduce this religious divide in the New World.[1954] The Spanish Empire's loss of the German states, as well as the Low Countries' rebellion of 1568-1581—both largely attributable to the Protestant Reformation—had catastrophic consequences for the monarchy in terms of its geopolitical position, finances, and legitimacy. The most tangible aspect of this crisis was the construction of the so-called Spanish Road, a military supply route winding through Crown and neutral territories that was used to send troops from northern Italy to the Low Countries. The Spanish Road required immense military effort and effectively ruined the Crown's finances.[1955] Finally, the defeat of the Invincible Armada off the coast of Britain in 1588 would seal off the possibility of a military solution to the religious and political rebellions of the emergent North Atlantic powers.
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