Homicide in Eighteenth-Century China
To understand the challenges Qing criminal justice faced we must begin with the abundant extant records of homicides, which contain the details of crimes, depositions, autopsies and official judgements.
Most tragically, homicide cases explicitly depict the desperate survival strategies of the rural poor and the destruction of families. Homicide reports provide an enormously rich body of data that can be compared over time and across jurisdictions, offering abundant opportunities to study crime and the various factors that contributed to an upsurge in violence over time. Recent quantitative analysis of homicide case records for Qing China shows that the homicide rate rose steadily throughout the eighteenth century, though estimates based on historical archives show that the annual rate ranged between 0.35 and 1.47 per 100,000 inhabitants during the period 1661-1898.1 Although rates this low would not be seen in Western Europe until the late nineteenth century, the increase was perceptible and worrisome to Qing officials. This statistical analysis is consistent with the findings from earlier qualitative studies based on homicides relating to land disputes and sexual crime. Research based on homicides relating to marriage and illicit sex has unearthed abundant evidence of use for studies of sexual assault, female chastity and polyandry and wife-selling.[594] [595] Eighteenth-century judicial officials responsible for the comprehensive review of capital crimes were undoubtedly troubled by the homicides as well as by the dire poverty that spawned the violent behaviour.Research based on homicide reports relating to land and debts likewise depicts a prosperous but decidedly more contentious eighteenth century. My own research has drawn on homicides relating to land and debt records to reconstruct and analyse violent disputes over property rights in land in the context of large-scale changes in the structure of the eighteenth-century Chinese economy and society.[596] Not surprisingly, with the Chinese population surpassing 300 million by the end of the century, tensions arose among landlords, peasants, and tenants who sought to protect or extend their property rights in land under conditions of economic commercialisation and demographic pressure.
An increase in the relative value of land had created incentives for stringent enforcement of established property rights and for the elaboration of new economic institutions to safeguard newly emerging property rights. The link between population growth, commercialisation and violence is discernible in the temporal and geographic patterns of homicides related to property rights in land, but economics alone cannot explain the violence.Disputes over conditional land sales are indicatory of the complex motivations behind violent disputes. Customarily, ties to land were considered personal and trans-generational, making all land sales effectively conditional and subject to redemption. The original owner of the land, the owner's direct heirs or even more distant kin often asserted the right to redeem. Normally this right was assumed but not formalised in a contract. Legal ambiguities, emotional ties to land and outright fraud all contributed to violent disputes. With the growing commodification of land in an increasingly commercialised economy, an ‘original' owner's ties to the land became attenuated at best. In areas where the market for land was lively and turnovers in ownership were numerous, the practice waned. In another example of the legislative turn in Qing rule, legislation that overturned the custom that land sales were conditional by default, and that set limits on the right to redeem if a time limit was not stipulated in the contract, was added to the Great Qing Code in 1753. Unfortunately, the deeply rooted custom lingered and legislation alone could not eliminate violent disputes.
A careful analysis of land disputes shows that competing visions of social justice, legal remedies and economic rationality notwithstanding, often triggered violence. When individuals exploited their relative economic advantages in a seemingly rational manner, they might find themselves in conflict with existing ethical norms. For example, a landlord who evicted a tenant solely to obtain a higher rent was punished for creating a situation that led to a killing when the evicted tenant and the new tenant became embroiled in a lethal confrontation.
Economic selfinterest eroded shared ideological convictions and ethical norms that had been the foundation of a communal sense of justice. Over the course of the eighteenth century fatal affrays over land increasingly involved competing peasants or tenants, who often expressed their moral outrage in simple terms. Only once in thousands of violent disputes did I encounter a clear statement of moral indignation from a member of the literati. Chen Jingwei, a scholar and tutor, became infuriated after witnessing Li Weizhen, the son-in-law of the landlord who employed him, abusing a delinquent tenant. Chen berated Li, saying, ‘If you insist on having the full [rent], you will be rich but not benevolent.' Insulted and angered, landlord Li turned on Chen, who lost his life in the ensuing fracas. This incident simultaneously illustrates the emotionally charged atmosphere of the eighteenth century, the ascendency of economic self-interest and the resilience of ethical concerns.[597] Market principles and moral economy were increasingly in conflict in eighteenth-century society, creating a seedbed for violent confrontations.The erosion of shared ethical norms regarding property rights created uncertainty, distrust and anxiety, but it also weakened the moral authority of local magistrates who tried to settle disputes that came to their courts. New substatutes aimed at clarifying property rights in land were added to the Qing Code, but enforcement of the new laws remained problematic. Underpaid, understaffed and overworked, local magistrates had trouble enforcing judgements in the best of times. Making matters worse for the courts, property rights and notions of fairness were in flux and some litigants openly and blatantly defied official adjudication. Indignant losers at court might refuse to abide by official rulings. Landlords who had won their suits in court sometimes resorted to violence to enforce judgements against recalcitrant tenants. Violence might be retributive, as in cases of tenants who lost their land, or preemptive, as in cases of landlords who feared their tenants would not respect the courts. Until economic institutions were adjusted to reflect changing realities and until these economic institutions were accepted as fair, violent disputes, some of which ended in homicide, were inevitable.
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