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Settlements

The apparent absence of any fortifications or refuge sites throughout the entire Jomon - more than 10,000 years - is striking and suggests the absence of organised warfare, that is, large-scale armed conflict between polities/ communities.

The only Jomon site with a surrounding ditch is Shizukawa in southern Hokkaido, but the fact that only two pit buildings were found inside the ditch may suggest a function unrelated to violence. What is assumed to be a large, raised-floor ceremonial structure at the Sannai Maruyama site (Aomori) may have been a watchtower.[332] While perhaps not unique, this apparent lack of fortifications does seem unusual, for example in contrast to the complex hunter-fisher-gatherers of North America.[333]

Yayoi settlements with ditches appear during the Initial phase at the Naka and Etsuji sites (Fukuoka). Inside the ditch of the latter, houses of Korean (Songgukri) type have been found. Ditched settlements continue to be built during the Early Yayoi, for example at Itazuke, Ishizaki Magarita and Nabatake in Fukuoka and Saga prefectures. At Itazuke, the V-shaped ditch is fully preserved and totally enclosed the village in an oval measuring 110 metres from north to south and 81 metres from east to west. The ditch's width varies between 1.5 metres and 4.5 metres and its depth ranges between 0.7 metres and 2.3 metres. Each side of the ditch was bordered with an earthen bank. There is only one interruption (4 m wide) in the south-west to allow passage. An inner ditch delimitates a small area in the north-west part of the village containing storage pits. The ditch was no longer used during the Middle Yayoi occupation of the site.

In his study of Japanese enclosed settlements of the Yayoi and Early Kofun periods, Arbousse-Bastide found that 18 per cent of the sites in his database (600 sites) date from the Initial and Early Yayoi, about 35 per cent from the Middle Yayoi, 44 per cent from the Late Yayoi and only 3 per cent from the Early Kofun.[334] The majority (70.5 per cent) of the sites are situated at relatively elevated altitudes on plateaus, hills or river terraces.

The ditches, which can be simple or multiple, are mainly curvilinear with V-shaped or trapezoidal profiles. Their dimensions range from 10 metres to several kilometres of circumference (depending on site preservation and extent of excavation), 3 metres to 5 metres in width and 1 metre to 3 metres in depth. While banks are rarely preserved more than 5 centimetres to a metre in height, they are clearly evidenced. They are situated outside or inside the ditch, the latter especially on multiple ditched sites. It is inferred that most of the sites had wooden fences atop the banks' summits, there being numerous examples of defensive stakes planted on the trapezoidal ditch's side, such as at Yoshinogari. In sites on the plains, the ditches could be seasonally flooded, such as at Karako-Kagi (Nara). The entrance gates were gener­ally simple, comprising an interruption in the ditch and the bank flanked with two large postholes for a wooden door. Sometimes the ditch is not interrupted and a wooden footbridge allows passage. Some chicanes are known, as in the north entrance of Yoshinogari, and consisted of an additional L-shaped ditch. Watchtowers are attested to at Yoshinogari, where they are built over bastions protecting the Late Yayoi settlement. Twelve eperons barres (promontory forts) are known, especially in the Inland Sea area (Yamaguchi and Ehime prefectures), dating from the Middle and Late Yayoi. These forts were clearly built to watch and defend important trading routes between Kyushu and the Osaka and Nara plains.

Construction of the Warrior’s Image and the Symbolism of Weapons

From an iconographic point of view, the Yayoi people have left us few traces of their artistic production. The few human representations we have are of hunting scenes or representations of individuals wearing costumes that have been interpreted as ‘shamans' performing ‘rituals'. There are a few representations of armed individuals on some bronze bells (dotaku) and pottery. For example, ajar from the Shimizukaze site (Nara) has an incised scene on the shoulder depicting two human figures each holding a shield and a halberd and wearing a possible feathered cap associated with images of a raised-floor building, a wounded deer and four fish.

However, images of warriors are rare among Yayoi human representations. This contrasts with many socie­ties where the importance of warfare or of violence in the elites' system

The Origins of Violence and Warfare in the Japanese Islands of domination is often expressed by war-like images in different media.[335] In the Yayoi, such representations of warriors can mostly be seen in tombs.

In northern Kyushu during the Middle and Late Yayoi periods, bronze and iron weapons are associated with elite groups whose tombs were constructed apart from the burials of commoners, which did not contain any such prestige goods. In western Japan outside Kyushu, these weapons are generally not found in tombs until the end of the Late Yayoi, even if bronze was known and used to make large bronze bells and bronze weapons (swords and halberds) that were buried in hoards, sometimes with bells, as at the Kojindani site in Shimane. These hoards are generally interpreted as ‘ritual' deposits, but the standardisation in size of the 358 bronze swords seen at Kojindani also suggests that they may have been used as a proto-currency in trade and exchange.

During the Late Yayoi period in Kyushu, while bronze weapons disappeared and were replaced by iron weapons, very large bronze spearheads were produced. These spearheads are too soft to have been used as weapons due to the high lead content in the alloy, and are clearly symbolic. The fact that their distribution in the western Inland Sea area is mutually exclusive with that of the bronze bells which were produced in the Kinai (Kyoto-Nara) area and distributed in the eastern Inland Sea area is remarkable and a sign that both were used as political symbols and/or prestige goods.[336]

It is also interesting to note that in the richest tombs of the Yayoi period, the most numerous grave goods are Chinese bronze mirrors. For example, in the Fukuoka prefecture, the Mikumo Minami Shoji 1 tomb produced thirty-five mirrors with one bronze sword, two bronze spear­heads and one bronze halberd. The Middle Yayoi Suku Okamoto D tomb produced about thirty bronze mirrors, five bronze spearheads, two bronze swords and one bronze halberd. In the Late Yayoi, thirty-nine bronze mirrors and only one iron sword were found from the Hirabaru tomb. The leaders of these communities seem to have had a dual role and image: one more ‘spiritual', symbolised by the bronze mirrors, and one more ‘warlike', symbolised by the weapons.

MARK HUDSON, RICKJ. SCHULTING, LINDA GILAIZEAU

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Source: Fagan Garrett G., Fibiger Linda, Hudson Mark, Trundle Matthew (eds.). The Cambridge World History of Violence. Volume 1: The Prehistoric and Ancient Worlds. Cambridge University Press,2020. — 756 p.. 2020

More on the topic Settlements:

  1. Prehistoric Coastal Settlements
  2. Territorial Settlements and Population Changes
  3. Amongst the sedentary agricultural peoples, like the Pueblo Indians, the Spanish built their missions amongst existing settlements.
  4. Chapter 9 Simulating Land Use of Prehistoric Wetland Settlements: Did Excessive Resource Use Necessitate a Highly Dynamic Settlement System?
  5. Systemic Fraud in the Mortgage Securitization Industry
  6. Agricultural communities
  7. Conclusions
  8. RITUAL
  9. Establishing the Ocean
  10. Rhode to Croghan
  11. CHAPTER VI. HISTORY OF SCYTHIA, LATER MIGRATIONS.
  12. Conclusion
  13. CHAPTER I. PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY AND NATURAL PRODUCTIONS.
  14. Merchants and Heroes, 1500 BC–1250 BC
  15. The Founding of Carthage
  16. Local Identities