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Violence in Africa

Stanfield's poem dwelt at length on his time in West Africa, mainly to show that Europe was a destroyer of simple African happiness. He noted that ‘av'rice, bursting ev'ry tender band / sweeps, like a deluge thro' the hapless land'.

He also included in his poem the life story of a beautiful African woman, Abyeda, stolen on her wedding day to ‘youthful Quam'no' and placed on the Eagle where she was lashed to death - ‘convulsive throbs expel the final breath / and o'er the fatal close sits ghastly death'. We have moved on somewhat from Stanfield's 1788 analysis. One of the most significant changes in how historians view the slave trade is that they have departed from Walter Rodney's influential thesis of the 1960s - one Stanfield would have supported - that Europeans always held sway in the acquisition of slaves in West Africa. We now see the trade as largely being controlled, at least in Africa, by prominent Africans.[36]

Slavery was nothing new in Africa and thus African merchants and rulers were not reluctant to facilitate European efforts in getting slaves, experienced as they were by extensive internal slave trading in Islamic areas of northern and western Africa. The nature of political authority in much of West Africa, moreover, encouraged slavery: political fragmentation led to frequent inter­necine warfare that often generated captives who could be just as easily got rid of for profit to Europeans as to other Africans. Most captives in the Atlantic slave trade were the unintended by-products of war. Atlantic slavery thus became a highly lucrative trade in some parts of West Africa by the eighteenth century. It is estimated that in the 1780s slaves comprised over 90 per cent of all African exports. By 1800, African traders were getting three or four times the value of goods that they had received in 1700, increasing considerably the price which planters on the other side of the Atlantic had to pay for their slaves.[37]

Given the increasing lucrativeness of the trade to African rulers, it seems logical to assume that there was an incentive to increase the supply of slaves available to be sold to Europeans.

Rodney's second and more accepted contention was that the profitability of the Atlantic slave trade within African commerce accentuated pressures to start wars solely for the pur­pose of gaining slaves, thus leading to considerable changes in state forma­tion and to destabilised political structures. Certainly, the emergence of new states in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was closely associated with the development of the Atlantic slave trade, particularly the Yoruba states, especially the Oyo Empire, and also the Akan states, like Asante, Allada and, between 1727 and 1740, Dahomey. The latter was the prime example of a state oriented around warfare to capture slaves to feed the transatlantic market. It was remarkably successful for a brief period before being absorbed into the Oyo Empire, and its success transformed the politics of the Bight of Benin in the eighteenth century. Slaves were either sold to Europeans to raise revenue for the state or were killed in dramatic public ceremonies that showed how powerful the Dahomean monarchy was. Its principal embarkation point for slaves crossing the Atlantic, Ouidah, sent over 1 million people to the Americas. Slavery continued well after the end of the Atlantic slave trade, with slaves used on palm oil plantations and employed to harvest palm kernels.

The link between powerful, warring states and the Atlantic slave trade was clear. The rulers of Dahomey and the lords of the Asante, another highly stratified, centralised and war-loving state in the region that Europeans called the Gold Coast, traded captives for guns which they used to strengthen social hierarchies in their area and to subdue their neighbours in order to produce the next coffle of slaves to be traded for new muskets. Those people involved in slave trading became rich, with wealthy merchants controlling customs, taxes and the flow of captives. The advent of the Atlantic slave trade enhanced the power of the groups most inclined to advance their power by acting violently and aggressively towards their neighbours.

In Dahomey, it seems to have been the presence of the Atlantic slave trade that encouraged violence. In the Asante alliance, slave trading followed rather than preceded expansion, as the Asante's slave trading was a consequence of their warring abilities. Nevertheless, in both places military expansion, increased social differentiation and conflict, and aggressive and continual warfare occurred in tandem with increased European penetration of African slave markets.[38]

Contrary to Rodney's argument, the slave trade was not an indepen­dent force that shaped West Africa and Africans but a manifestation of local politics and the solution to problems raised by war (and at times an encouragement to more war). For many ordinary Africans, the increasing frequency of internal wars, only some of which were related to the slave trade, showed them that people in authority were deter­mined to exploit them. They tended to blame local merchants and rulers more than Europeans, and to place these evildoers within an ideological construct of witchcraft and even cannibalism. Despotic African rulers and nefarious local traders were often denounced as either witches or cannibals. If we are to understand how the violence of the slave trade worked within West African slaving societies, we need to appreciate that the transatlantic slave trade was connected to internal class structures and class anatagonisms. Those Africans shipped to the Americas as slaves were caught up in local politics and patterns of violence exhibited by the rich to the poor that marked life in early modern West Africa as much as in Europe.[39]

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Source: Antony Robert, Carroll Stuart, Pennock Caroline D. (eds.). The Cambridge World History of Violence. Volume 3: AD 1500-AD 1800. Cambridge University Press,2020. — 710 p.. 2020

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