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Violence onthe Athenian Stage

Athenian tragedies are littered with physical force, violent encounters and violent deaths. Even the historical tragedies, about which we know little and of which only one survives, seem to have depicted violent moments from the recent past.

Herodotus tells us of (our first known historical tragedy) The Destruction of Miletus, by a man called Phrynichus (not the oligarch), which upset the Athenians so much as it depicted the siege, capture and presumably the subsequent massacre and enslavement of Athenian allies in 494 bce.[1060] The only extant historical tragedy, The Persians, is a play about the great naval battle of Salamis.[1061] There is every chance there were other plays produced about the Persian Wars and the battles fought during them. The lost play called The Phoenician Women (Phoenissae) may well have portrayed the reac­tion to the defeat at Salamis among the relatives of those in the Phoenician fleet. There had to be other similar historical tragedies.

The corpus of extant tragedies from the fifth century bce often represents the tensions evident in the relationships between the community and the individual or family, and the desires of each to suppress the power of the other, usually set in mythological contexts. Thus, violence is portrayed in terms of retribution and revenge in Homeric terms, inviting further retalia­tory violence, in both a vicious cycle and a zero sum game at the same time. Scholars see this in both voyeuristic as well as educational terms. William Allan argues that the same motives that drove contemporary Athenian desire for punishment had equally applied to the heroes of the past seeking retribu­tion, vengeance and justice, but that the law had become a central tenet by which such retribution was achieved. Vengeance therefore remained an important theme of justice on the fifth-century bce stage and by association in Athenian courts.

And thus, he suggests, by the fifth century bce there had been a ‘fundamental shift in the process by which justice (timoria) was achieved'. He notes of course that the same jurors in the courts sat in the audiences of tragedies.[1062] The state's laws, theoretically, meant the kind of retributive justice meted out in violent tragedies acted out in trilogies like the Oresteia, in which wives murder husbands and sons kill their mothers, would not have been tolerated in the real world of fifth-century Athens. Do such plays illustrate, even in an oblique way, how far Athenians had come from the cycles of violence portrayed in Greek myth? The leading scholar on the topic of vengeance in tragedy, Burnett, highlights, like Allan, the significant role of retribution present in tragedy. This is an important point, but as Allan suggests, fifth-century Athenians recognised the negative effects of personal feuds on the community, even if they sympathised with Orestes' desire to avenge his father's death.[1063]

Similarly, Athenian comedy is replete with violent acts. Scholars naturally consider that the purpose of the representation of violence on stage is to create audience superiority and solidarity as well as in crude terms to provide voyeuristic and indulgent entertainment to its spectators. Like tragedy, comedy aimed to entertain (as does modern cinema), and violence (like sex) sells. The combination of sex and violence is a common theme in so- called Old Comedy, produced in Athens in the fifth century bce. Thus, not only did representations of sexual violence augment audience solidarity, but, it has been suggested, also aided ‘audience affirmation, re-masculinisation and compensation for the loss of masculine power' in an age in which the Athenian community submerged or appears to attempt to submerge the powers of the traditional oikos and its traditional head, the kyrios. In sum, both tragedy and comedy functioned as outlets for unrequited desires as much as they did as entertainment for their community.

Ruffell, therefore, describes the end of The Clouds as the most startling display of comic violence and the humour of schadenfreude, which results in Strepsiades' desire to burn the students to death. He further identifies the most extended demonstration of violence as the torture scene in Frogs (605-73). In the story, each slave offers the other up for torture and then Aeacus beats both up to see who screams first. Ruffell suggests that the whole routine relies on the fact that slaves are used to being and even deserve to be beaten. We might add, of course, that it was legal for slaves to be offered up for legal torture to extract evidence for the courts in trials concerning their masters. The sexual violence of plays like the Thesmophoriasuzae, Lysistrata and Ecclessiasuzae demonstrate the central­ity of violence and sex on stage. Ruffell considers the Thesmoporiasuzae as ‘unquestionably' the most violent of the plays. He sees the treatment of Mnesilochus from dressing to singeing and plucking as extended torture and relies on ‘the enjoyment of the abuse of the comic male'. Ruffell concludes that, ‘In all three plays, the pleasure of the audience is in the watching of citizen male humiliation in violent and/or sexual terms.'

Beyond the dramatic stage, the world of fifth- and fourth-century Athens was, it seems, a violent place even with the law courts and an array of juridical procedures in place. Our evidence suggests nothing like the kind of state infrastructure or mechanisms in place to prohibit physical abuse even between citizens, theoretically protected by the law as they were, let alone those thousands of residents of Attica, women, children, metics, foreigners and slaves denied access to state legal protection. Status, and with it personal power, remained paramount in enabling violations against others and in protecting persons and property. This is no better illustrated than in the story of Alcibiades' refusal to allow his wife to file for divorce with the Archon Basileus.

According to Plutarch, Hipparete went to the archon to file, but Alcibiades seized her and forcibly carried her home through the agora.[1064] Despite the fact she was behaving in the appropriate manner, since she needed to be present in person to file for the divorce, no one prevented her removal and the divorce did not eventuate. She died soon afterwards, though our source makes no inference how, Plutarch merely observing at the end that opinion did not consider such violence (bia) as unlawful (paranomos) or savage (apanthropos). This section of the life begins with another tale of Alcibiades' wanton violence in which he struck his teacher Hipponicus not from anger but as a joke described as an act of pure licentiousness (aselgeia). Interestingly, the incident concludes with Alcibiades going to his teacher's house to offer his body for a beating in retribution. Both episodes illustrate the extra-legal, personal (if that is the right word) nature of aristocratic engagements, but also the role of physical encounters in personal and power relationships.

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Source: Fagan Garrett G., Fibiger Linda, Hudson Mark, Trundle Matthew (eds.). The Cambridge World History of Violence. Volume 1: The Prehistoric and Ancient Worlds. Cambridge University Press,2020. — 756 p.. 2020

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